Thursday, September 11, 2008

Liberal Party of Canada

Liberal Party of Canada

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Liberal Party of Canada
Parti libéral du Canada


Active Federal Party
Founded July 1, 1867


Leader Stéphane Dion
President Doug Ferguson
Headquarters 81 Metcalfe St, Suite 400
Ottawa ON
K1P 6M8

Political ideology Liberalism
Classical liberalism
Social liberalism
International alignment Liberal International
Colours Red

Website http://www.liberal.ca

The Liberal Party of Canada (French: Parti libéral du Canada), colloquially known as the Grits (originally "Clear Grits"), is a major Canadian political party. The organization is located in the centre of the Canadian political spectrum, combining a liberal social policy with moderate economic policies. Starting with Wilfrid Laurier in 1896 every non-interim leader of the party (excepting current leader Stéphane Dion) has served as Prime Minister of Canada. The party has formed the Official Opposition in the Parliament of Canada since February 2006.

After the dissolution of the Progressive Conservative Party on the formation of the new Conservative Party of Canada, the Liberal Party is the only party remaining from Confederation, and is Canada's oldest functioning party at the federal level. The Liberal Party held power for more years of the 20th century than did any other party in any developed western country.

The party is led by Stéphane Dion, who was elected to the position at the party's leadership convention on December 2, 2006.

Contents

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History

Origins

See also: Rebellions of 1837

The Liberals are descended from the mid-19th century Reformers who agitated for responsible government throughout British North America. These included George Brown, Robert Baldwin, William Lyon Mackenzie and the Clear Grits in Upper Canada, Joseph Howe in Nova Scotia, and the Patriotes and Rouges in Lower Canada led by figures such as Louis-Joseph Papineau. The Clear Grits and Parti rouge sometimes functioned as a united bloc in the legislature of the Province of Canada beginning in 1854, and a united Liberal Party combining both English and French Canadian members was formed in 1861.

Confederation

At the time of confederation of the former British colonies of Canada (now Ontario and Quebec), New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, the radical Liberals were marginalized by the more pragmatic Conservative coalition assembled under Sir John A. Macdonald. In the 30 years after Canadian confederation, the Liberals were consigned to opposition, with the exception of one stint in government. Alexander Mackenzie was able to lead the party to power in 1873 after the Macdonald government lost a vote of no confidence in the House of Commons because of the Pacific Scandal. Mackenzie subsequently won the 1874 election, but lost the government to Macdonald in 1878. They spent the next 18 years in opposition.

Laurier era

In their early history, the Liberals were the party of continentalism (free trade with the United States), and opposition to imperialism. The Liberals also became identified with the aspirations of Quebecers as a result of the growing hostility of French-Canadians to the Conservatives. The Conservatives lost the support of Quebecers because of the perceived role of Conservative governments in the execution of Louis Riel, and their role in the Conscription crisis of 1917.

It was not until Wilfrid Laurier became leader that the Liberal Party emerged as a modern party. Laurier was able to capitalize on the Tories' apparent alienation of French Canada by offering the Liberals as a credible alternative. Laurier was able to overcome the party's reputation for anti-clericalism that offended the still-powerful Quebec Roman Catholic Church. In English-speaking Canada, the Liberal Party's support for free trade made it popular among farmers, and helped cement the party's hold in the growing prairie provinces.

Laurier led the Liberals to power in the 1896 election (in which he became the first Francophone Prime Minister), and oversaw a government that increased immigration in order to settle Western Canada. Laurier's government created the provinces of Saskatchewan and Alberta out of the North-West Territories, and promoted the development of Canadian industry. The Liberals lost power in the 1911 election due to opposition to the party's policies on reciprocity (or free trade), and the creation of a Canadian navy.

The Conscription crisis divided the party as many Liberals in English Canada supported conscription. Many of them joined Sir Robert Borden's Conservatives to form a Unionist government. With numerous Liberal candidates running as Unionists or Liberal-Unionists with the support of provincial Liberal parties in a number of provinces, the Laurier Liberals were reduced to a largely Quebec-based rump. The long term impact of the Conscription crisis benefited the party as the issue only added to the animosity of French-Canadians towards the Conservatives, making that party unpopular in Quebec for decades.

Canadian sovereignty

Under Laurier, and his successor William Lyon Mackenzie King, the Liberals promoted Canadian sovereignty and greater independence from the British Empire. In Imperial Conferences held throughout the 1920s, Canadian Liberal governments often took the lead in arguing that Britain and the dominions should have equal status, and against proposals for an imperial parliament that would have subsumed Canadian independence. After the King-Byng Affair of 1926, the Liberals argued that the Governor General of Canada should no longer be appointed on the recommendation of the British government. The decisions of the Imperial Conferences were formalized in the Statute of Westminster, which was actually passed in 1931, the year after the Liberals lost power.

The Liberals also promoted the idea of Canada being responsible for its own foreign and defence policy. Initially, it was Britain which determined external affairs for the dominion. In 1905, Laurier created the Department of External Affairs, and in 1909 he advised Governor General Earl Grey to appoint the first Secretary of State for External Affairs to Cabinet. It was also Laurier who first proposed the creation of a Canadian Navy in 1910. Mackenzie King recommended the appointment by Governor General Lord Byng of Vincent Massey as the first Canadian ambassador to Washington in 1926, marking the Liberal government's insistence on having direct relations with the United States, rather than having Britain act on Canada's behalf.

Liberals and the social safety net

In the period just before and after the Second World War, the party became a champion of 'progressive social policy'. [1]

As Prime Minister for most of the time between 1921 and 1948, King introduced several measures that led to the creation of Canada's social safety net. Bowing to popular pressure, he introduced the mother's allowance, a monthly payment to all mothers with young children. He also reluctantly introduced old age pensions when J. S. Woodsworth required it in exchange for his Co-operative Commonwealth Federation party's support of King's minority government. Later, Lester B. Pearson introduced universal health care, the Canada Pension Plan, Canada Student Loans, and the Canada Assistance Plan (which provided funding for provincial welfare programs).

Trudeau era

Under Pierre Trudeau, this mission evolved into the goal of creating a "just society".

The Trudeau Liberals became the champions of official bilingualism, passing the Official Languages Act, which gave the French and English languages equal status in Canada. Trudeau hoped that the promotion of bilingualism would cement Quebec's place in confederation, and counter growing calls for an independent Quebec. This policy aimed to transform Canada into a country where English and French-Canadians could live together in comfort, and could move to any part of the country without having to lose their language. While this has not occurred, official bilingualism has helped to halt the decline of the French language outside of Quebec, and has also ensured that all federal government services (as well as radio and television services provided by the government-owned Canadian Broadcasting Corporation/Radio-Canada) are available in both languages throughout the country.

The Trudeau Liberals are also credited with support for official multiculturalism as a means of integrating immigrants into Canadian society without forcing them to shed their culture. As a result of this and a more sympathetic attitude by Liberals towards immigration policy, the party has built a base of support among recent immigrants and their children.

The most lasting effect of the Trudeau years has been the patriation of the Canadian constitution and the creation of Canada's Charter of Rights. Trudeau Liberals support the concept of a strong, central government, and fought Quebec separatism, other forms of Quebec nationalism, and the granting of "distinct society" status to Quebec. Such actions, however, served as rallying cries for sovereigntists & alienated many francophone Quebecers

The other primary legacy of the Trudeau years has been financial. Net federal debt in fiscal 1968, just before Trudeau became Prime Minister, was about $18-billion, or 26 per cent of gross domestic product; by his final year in office, it had ballooned to $206-billion -- at 46 per cent of GDP, nearly twice as large relative to the economy.

From fiscal 1976 to fiscal 1985: ten straight years in which the government ran not only an overall deficit, but an operating deficit. The overall deficit throughout this later phase never fell below 3 per cent of GDP; it averaged 5.6 per cent. In the final year of Liberal rule, 1984-85, total spending exceeded revenues by more than 50 per cent. The deficit that year, at $38.5-billion, was equal to nearly 9 per cent of GDP. Interest payments alone were now enough to consume nearly one-third of every revenue dollar. With interest costs compounding at a rate of 13 per cent per year, and the debt doubling every three or four years, that ratio could only grow.

The post-Trudeau party in opposition

After Trudeau's retirement in 1984, many Liberals, such as Jean Chrétien and Clyde Wells, continued to adhere to Trudeau's concept of federalism. Others, such as John Turner, supported the failed Meech Lake and Charlottetown Constitutional Accords, which would have recognized Quebec as a "distinct society" and would have increased the powers of the provinces to the detriment of the federal government.

Trudeau stepped down as Prime Minister and party leader in 1984, as the Liberals were slipping in polls. At that year's leadership convention, Turner defeated Chrétien on the second ballot to become Prime Minister. Immediately, upon taking office, Turner called a snap election, citing favourable internal polls. However, party was hurt by numerous patronage appointments, many of which Turner had made supposedly in return for Trudeau retiring early. Also, they were unpopular in their traditional stronghold of Quebec due to the constitution repatriation which excluded that province. The Liberals lost power in the 1984 election, and were reduced to only 40 seats in the House of Commons. The Progressive Conservatives won a majority of the seats in every province, including Quebec. The 95-seat loss was the worst defeat in the party's history, and the worst defeat at the time for a governing party at the federal level. What was more, the New Democratic Party, successor to the CCF, won only ten less seats than the Liberals, and some thought that the NDP under Ed Broadbent would push the Liberals to third-party status.

The party began a long process of reconstruction. A small group of young Liberal MPs, known as the Rat Pack, gained fame by criticizing the Tory government of Brian Mulroney at every turn. Also, despite public and backroom attempts to remove Turner as leader, he managed to consolidate his leadership at the 1986 review.

The 1988 election was notable for Turner's strong opposition to the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement negotiated by Progressive Conservative Prime Minister Brian Mulroney. Although most Canadians voted for parties opposed to free trade, the Tories were returned with a majority government, and implemented the deal. The Liberals recovered from their near-meltdown of 1984, however, winning 83 seats and ending much of the talk of being eclipsed by the NDP.

The party under Chrétien

Turner resigned in 1990 due to growing discontent within the party with his leadership, and was replaced by bitter rival Jean Chrétien, who had served in every Liberal cabinet since 1965. Chrétien's Liberals campaigned in the 1993 election on the promise of renegotiating the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and eliminating the Goods and Services Tax (GST). Just after the writ was dropped for the election, they issued the Red Book, a detailed statement of exactly what the Liberals would do in office if they won power. This was unprecedented for a Canadian party. Taking full advantage of the inability of Mulroney's successor, Kim Campbell to overcome a large amount of antipathy toward Mulroney, they won a strong majority government with 177 seats—the third-best performance in party history, and their best since 1949. The Progressive Conservatives were cut down to only two seats, suffering a defeat even more severe than the one they had handed the Liberals nine years earlier. The Liberals were re-elected with a considerably reduced majority in 1997, but nearly tied their 1993 total in 2000.

For the next decade, the Liberals dominated Canadian politics in a fashion not seen since the early years of Confederation. This was because of the destruction of the "grand coalition" of Western socially conservative populists, Quebec nationalists, and fiscal conservatives from Ontario that had supported the Progressive Conservatives in 1984 and 1988. The PCs' Western support, for all practical purposes, transferred en masse to the Western-based Reform Party, which replaced the PCs as the major right-wing party in Canada. However, the new party's agenda was seen as too conservative for most Canadians. It only won one seat east of Manitoba in an election (but gained another in a floor-crossing). Even when Reform restructured into the Canadian Alliance, the party was virtually nonexistent east of Manitoba, winning only 66 seats in 2000. Reform/Alliance was the official opposition from 1997 to 2003, but was never able to overcome wide perceptions that it was merely a Western protest party. The Quebec nationalists who had once supported the Tories largely switched their support to the sovereigntist Bloc Québécois, while the Tories' Ontario support largely moved to the Liberals. The PCs would never be a major force in Canadian politics again; while they rebounded to 20 seats in the next election, they won only two seats west of Quebec in the next decade.

Ontario and Quebec are guaranteed a majority of seats in the House of Commons under both Constitution Acts (59 percent of the seats as of 2006). As a result, it is very difficult to form even a minority government without substantial support in Ontario and/or Quebec. No party has ever formed a majority government without winning the most seats in either Ontario or Quebec. It is mathematically possible to form a minority government without a strong base in either province, but such an undertaking is politically difficult. The Liberals were the only party with a strong base in both provinces, thus making them the only party capable of forming a government.

There was some disappointment as Liberals were not able to recover their traditional dominant position in Quebec, despite being led by a Quebecer from a strongly nationalist region of Quebec. The Bloc capitalized on discontent with the failure of the 1990 Meech Lake Accord and Chrétien's uncompromising stance on federalism (see below) to win the most seats in Quebec in every election from 1993 onward, even serving as the official opposition from 1993 to 1997. Chrétien's reputation in his home province never recovered after the 1990 leadership convention when rival Paul Martin forced him to declare his opposition to the Meech Lake Accord. However, the Liberals did increase their support in the next two elections due to infighting within the Bloc. In the 1997 election, although the Liberals finished with a thin majority, it was their gains in Quebec which were credited with offsetting their losses in the Maritime provinces. In particular, the 2000 election was a breakthrough for the Liberals after the PQ government's unpopular initiatives regarding consolidation of several Quebec urban areas into "megacities." Many federal Liberals also took credit for Charest's provincial election victory over the PQ in spring 2003. A series of by-elections allowed the Liberals to gain a majority of Quebec ridings for the first time since 1984.

The Chrétien Liberals more than made up for their shortfall in Quebec by building a strong base in Ontario. They reaped a substantial windfall from the votes of fiscally conservative and socially liberal voters who had previously voted Tory, as well as rapid growth in the Greater Toronto Area. They were also able to take advantage of massive vote splitting between the Tories and Reform/Alliance in rural areas of the province that had traditionally formed the backbone of provincial Tory governments. Combined with their historic dominance of Metro Toronto and northern Ontario, the Liberals dominated the province's federal politics even as the Tories won landslide majorities at the provincial level. In 1993, for example, the Liberals won all but one seat in Ontario, and came within 123 votes in Simcoe Centre of pulling off the first clean sweep of Canada's most populated province. They were able to retain their position as the largest party in the House by winning all but two seats in Ontario in the 1997 election. The Liberals were assured of at least a minority government once the Ontario results came in, but it was not clear until later in the night that they would retain their majority. In 2000, the Liberals won all but three seats in Ontario.

While the Chrétien Liberals campaigned from the left, their time in power is most marked by the cuts made to many programs in order to balance the federal budget. Chrétien had supported the Charlottetown Accord while in opposition, but in power opposed major concessions to Quebec and other provincialist factions. In contrast to their promises during the 1993 campaign, they implemented only minor changes to NAFTA, embraced the free trade concept and -- with the exception of the replacement of the GST with the Harmonized Sales Tax in some Atlantic provinces -- broke their promise to replace the GST.

After a proposal for Quebec independence was narrowly defeated in the 1995 Quebec referendum, the Liberals passed the "Clarity Act" Clarity Act which outlines the federal government's preconditions for negotiating provincial independence. In Chrétien's final days, he supported same-sex marriage in Canada as well as decriminalizing the possession of small quantities of marijuana. Chrétien displeased the United States government when he pledged on March 17, 2003 that Canada would not support the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Polling released a month later [1] showed the decision was largely popular, with 62% in favour of the Prime Minister's decision, and 35% opposed. Later polls would increase that margin of support. [2] [3]

Martin succeeds Chrétien

Paul and Sheila Martin with George and Laura Bush.
Paul and Sheila Martin with George and Laura Bush.

Paul Martin succeeded Chrétien as party leader and prime minister in 2003. Despite the personal rivalry between the two, Martin was the architect of the Liberals' economic policies as Minister of Finance during the 1990s. Chrétien left office with a high approval rating and Martin was expected to take the Liberals to greater heights. While his cabinet choices provoked some controversy over excluding many Chrétien supporters, it at first did little to hurt his popularity. However, the political situation changed with the revelation of the sponsorship scandal, in which advertising agencies supporting the Liberal Party received grossly inflated commissions for their services.

Having faced a divided conservative opposition for the past three elections, Liberals were seriously challenged by competition from the newly-united Conservative Party led by Stephen Harper. The infighting between Martin and Chrétien's supporters also dogged the party. Nonetheless, by criticizing the Conservatives' social policies, the Liberals were able to draw progressive votes from the NDP which made the difference in several close races. On June 28, 2004 federal election, the Martin Liberals retained enough support to continue as the government, though they were reduced to a minority.

In the ensuing months, testimony from the Gomery Commission caused public opinion to turn sharply against the Liberals for the first time in over a decade. Despite the devastating revelations, only two Liberal MPs--David Kilgour (who had, ironically, crossed the floor from the PC Party in 1990) and Pat O'Brien--left the party for reasons other than the scandal. Belinda Stronach, who crossed the floor from the Conservatives to the Liberals, gave Martin the number of votes needed, although barely, to hold onto power when an NDP-sponsored amendment to his budget was passed only by the Speaker's tiebreaking vote on May 19, 2005.

In November, the Liberals dropped in polls following the release of the first Gomery Report. Nonetheless, Martin turned down the NDP's conditions for continued support, as well as rejected an opposition proposal which would schedule a February 2006 election in return for passing several pieces of legislation. The Liberals thus lost the no-confidence vote on November 28; Martin thus became only the fifth prime minister to lose the confidence of the House, but the first to lose on a straight no-confidence motion. Due to the Christmas holiday, Martin advised Governor General Michaëlle Jean to dissolve Parliament and call an election for January 2006.

The Liberal campaign was dogged from start to finish by the sponsorship scandal, which was brought up by a Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) criminal investigation into the leak of the income trust announcement. Numerous gaffes, contrasting with a smoothly run Conservative campaign, put Liberals as many as ten points behind the Conservatives in opinion polling. They managed to recover some of their momentum by election night, but not enough to retain power. They won 103 seats, a net loss of 30 from when the writs were dropped, losing a similar number of seats in Ontario and Quebec to the Tories. However, the Liberals managed to capture the most seats in Ontario for the fifth straight election (54 to the Tories' 40), holding the Conservatives to a minority government. While the Conservatives captured many of Ontario's rural ridings, the Liberals retained most of the population-rich Greater Toronto Area. Many of these ridings, particularly the 905 region, had historically been bellwethers (the Liberals were nearly shut out of this region in 1979 and 1984), but demographic changes have resulted in high Liberal returns in recent years.

Martin resigned as parliamentary leader after the election and stepped down as Liberal leader on March 18, having previously promised to step down if he didn't win a plurality.

In Opposition and 2006 Convention

Bill Graham was appointed interim party and parliamentary leader and the process to select a new party leader began. An unusually large number of prominent members such as Frank McKenna, Brian Tobin, Allan Rock and Belinda Stronach declined to run, yet at the same time many new faces stepped forward. There were eight people running for the leadership of the Liberal Party [4] at the time of the convention:

The Liberal Party reportedly felt they could quickly regain power, so they accelerated the leadership selection process. [5]. While there were some predictions the party's National Executive would call the convention for as late as March 2007, it instead decided to announce the convention for the first weekend of December 2006.

On December 2 in Montreal, the Liberals voted for their new party leader. The ballots came down to Michael Ignatieff and Stéphane Dion, who surpassed Bob Rae on the third ballot. On the second ballot, Dion catapulted from third place to first place thanks in large part to an alliance with Gerard Kennedy. Rae, who was eliminated, released his delegates, most of whom supported Dion over Ignatieff. Dion finally won with 54.7% of the votes.

On May 11, 2006, Montreal's La Presse reported that the Government of Canada will file a lawsuit against the Liberal Party to recover all the money missing in the sponsorship program. Scott Brison told reporters that same day that the Liberals has already paid back the $1.14 million into the public purse, however the Conservatives believe that there is as much as $40 million unaccounted for in the sponsorship program. [6]

On September 28, 2007, party national director Jamie Carroll, was criticized for comments he allegedly made in response to a suggestion that the Liberals should hire more francophone Quebecers to appeal to francophone voters. According to some persons present at a private meeting, Carroll said "Do we also have to hire people from the Chinese community to represent the Chinese community?". He later indicated that a statement he made was taken out of context. Several Quebec MPs and the president of the party's Quebec wing said that Carroll was quoted correctly, with Pablo Rodriguez and Liza Frulla demanding that he be fired. Dion affirmed Carroll's version of events, and rejected calls for his dismissal. [7] [8] [9] [10] Carroll initially threatened to sue for defamation and demand 12 to 18 months of severance, though Dion later had him quietly reassigned to another position. [11]

British Columbia MP Blair Wilson was resigned from caucus and the shadow cabinet, after the Vancouver Province charged that he was involved in unlawful off-the-books cash spending, and that his private businesses had numerous discrepancies and unpaid debts. Wilson, who is being investigated, has denied the allegations. [2]

Principles and policies

In the present times, the Liberal party has favoured a variety of policies from both right and left of the political spectrum. Since the 1990s it has been a strong champion of balanced budgets, and it eliminated the deficit completely from the federal budget in 1995 by reducing spending on social programs or downloading them to provinces. It had legalized same-sex marriage and use of cannabis for medical purposes, and has been proposing complete decriminalization of possession of small amounts of it. The party also holds progressive views on various other social issues like abortion. In spite of this, a socially conservative wing does exists within the party. For example, when the Civil Marriage Act was passed in 2004 (which legalized same-sex marriage), over a quarter[citation needed] of the Liberal caucus voted against the act.

During the 2006 election the Liberal party's platform included an

  • Introduction of a national childcare program
  • Immediately cut tax for low income earners by 1 point from 16% to 15%
  • Tougher firearm laws, including a ban on handguns and semi-automatic rifles
  • Reducing wait times for medical treatments
  • Increased support and opportunities for seniors, immigrants and the aboriginal populations
  • Increased spending on military
  • Additional investment in research and higher education.

In June 2008, the Liberal Party unveiled a new policy based on an ecotax called The Green Shift.

Leaders of the Liberal Party since 1867

Beginning of Leadership Name Date of Birth Date of Death Length of Leadership
1 July 1867 George Brown 29 November 1818 10 May 1880 2 months, 19 days (interim)1
20 September 1867 Vacant n/a n/a 2 years (approx)
1869 Edward Blake 13 October 1833 1 March 1912 2 years (approx) (interim)
1871 Vacant n/a n/a 2 years (approx)
6 March 1873 Alexander Mackenzie 28 January 1822 17 April 1892 7 years, 1 month
27 April 1880 Edward Blake 13 October 1833 1 March 1912 7 years, 1 month
23 June 1887 Sir Wilfrid Laurier 20 November 1841 17 February 1919 31 years, 8 months
17 February 1919 Daniel Duncan McKenzie 8 January 1859 8 June 1927 5 months, 3 weeks (interim)
7 August 1919 William Lyon Mackenzie King 17 December 1874 22 July 1950 29 years
7 August 1948 Louis St. Laurent 1 February 1882 25 July 1973 9 years, 5 months
16 January 1958 Lester B. Pearson 23 April 1897 28 December 1972 10 years, 3 months
6 April 1968 Pierre Elliott Trudeau 18 October 1919 28 September 2000 16 years, 2 months
16 June 1984 John Turner 7 June 1929 Living 6 years
6 February 1990 Herb Gray 25 May 1931 Living 4 months, 17 days² (interim Parliamentary leader)
23 June 1990 Jean Chrétien 11 January 1934 Living 13 years, 5 months
14 November 2003 Paul Martin 28 August 1938 Living 2 years, 3 months
18 March 2006 Bill Graham 17 March 1939 Living 8 months, 2 weeks³ (interim)
2 December 2006 Stéphane Dion 28 September 1955 Living Current leader

NOTES:

1 Brown was regarded by most Liberal candidates as their leader in the 1867 election but did not officially hold the title. Had he won a seat he would have almost certainly become Leader of the Opposition and had the Liberals won enough seats to form a government Brown would almost certainly have become Prime Minister. However, he failed in his bid for a seat in the House of Commons and the Liberals had no official leader until 1873.

² Herb Gray served as Leader of the Opposition from February 6 until Chrétien was re-elected to Parliament, and took his seat on December 21, 1990. He led the Liberal Party in parliament, though he was never the leader or interim leader of the Liberal Party as a whole.

³ After the defeat of the Liberals by the Conservatives of Stephen Harper in the 2006 Canadian federal election, held on January 26, Paul Martin announced in the early hours of January 24, 2006 his intention to resign the leadership of the Liberal Party. Bill Graham was later selected as parliamentary leader by caucus, while Martin indicated he would remain nominal party leader. On March 18, 2006, Graham was appointed interim leader after Martin officially stepped down from the post.

The Liberal Party held its first leadership convention in 1919, electing William Lyon Mackenzie King as leader. Prior to that party leaders were chosen by caucus.

See also: Liberal leadership conventions


Presidents of the Liberal Party since 1932

Beginning of Presidency Name Date of Birth Date of Death Length of Presidency
1932 Vincent Massey 20 February 1887 30 December 1967 3 years
1935 Norman Platt Lambert 7 January 1885 4 November 1965 5 years
1940 Inactive Presidency [12]

5 years
1945 Gordon Fogo 9 July 1896 6 July 1952 7 years
1952 Duncan Kenneth Mactavish 3 June 1899 15 November 1963 6 years
1968 Richard Stanbury 2 May 1932 Living 5 years
1973 Gildas Molgat 25 January 1927 28 February 2001 3 years
1976 Alasdair Graham 21 May 1929 Living 4 years
1980 Norman MacLeod

2 years
1982 Iona Campagnolo 18 October 1932 Living 4 years
1986 J. J. Michel Robert 29 January 1938 Living 4 years
1990 Don Johnston 26 June 1936 Living 4 years
1994 Dan Hays 24 April 1939 Living 4 years
1998 Stephen LeDrew 1953 Living 5 years
2003 Michael Eizenga
Living 3 years
2006 Marie Poulin 21 June 1945 Living 2 years
2008 Doug Ferguson
Living Current president

Election results 1867-2006

Election # of candidates nominated # of seats won # of total votes % of popular vote result
1867
65
62
60,818
22.67%
Cons. majority
1872
111
95
110,556
34.72%
Cons. majority
1874
140
129
128,059
39.49%
majority government
1878
121
57
180,074
33.05%
Cons. majority
1882
112
72
160,547
31.10%
Cons. majority
1887
184
79
312,736
43.13%
Cons. majority
1891
194
90
350,512
45.22%
Cons. majority
1896
190
117
401,425
41.37%
majority government
1900
209
128
477,758
50.25%
majority government
1904
208
137
521,041
50.88%
majority government
1908
213
133
570,311
48.87%
majority government
1911
214
85
596,871
45.82%
Cons. majority
1917*
213
82
729,756
38.80%
coalition government
1921
204
118
1,285,998
41.15%
majority government
1925
216
100
1,252,684
39.74%
minority government
1926
189
114
1,294,072
42.74%
majority government
1930
226
90
1,716,798
44.03%
Cons. majority
1935
245
173
1,967,839
44.68%
majority government
1940
242
179
2,365,979
51.32%
majority government
1945
236
117
2,086,545
39.78%
majority government
1949
259
190
2,878,097
49.15%
majority government
1953
263
169
2,743,013
48.62%
majority government
1957
265
105
2,703,687
40.91%
PC minority
1958
265
49
2,444,909
33.50%
PC majority
1962
264
100
2,862,001
37.17%
PC minority
1963
265
128
3,276,995
41.52%
minority government
1965
265
131
3,099,521
40.18%
minority government
1968
263
155
3,686,801
47.53%
majority government
1972
263
109
3,717,804
38.42%
minority government
1974
264
141
4,102,853
43.15%
majority government
1979
282
114
4,595,319
40.11%
PC minority
1980
282
147
4,855,425
44.40%
majority government
1984
282
40
3,516,486
28.02%
PC majority
1988
294
83
4,205,072
31.92%
PC majority
1993
295
177
5,598,775
41.24%
majority government
1997
301
155
4,994,377
38.46%
majority government
2000
301
172
5,251,961
40.85%
majority government
2004
308
135
4,951,107
36.7%
minority government
2006
308
103
4,477,217
30.09%
Cons. minority
  • 1953-1968 includes one Liberal-Labour Member of Parliament.

* In 1917, some Liberals ran under the Unionist banner, figures only count those who ran as "Laurier Liberals"

Regional Liberal parties

Each province and one territory in Canada has its own Liberal Party.

Current governments and premiers:

Current official oppositions and leaders:

Third party status and leaders:

Not represented provincially and leader:

The relationship between the federal and provincial Liberal parties in Canada varies across Canada. In the four largest provinces (BC, Alberta, Ontario and Quebec) the parties are informally linked to varying degrees. In the case of BC and Quebec, the provincial party tends to maintain neutrality in federal politics. In the 6 other provinces and one territory, the provincial parties are direct organizational affiliates with their federal counterpart.

The Quebec Liberal Party was long affiliated with the federal Liberals since Confederation. In the 1940s, the party's fortunes were aided and hindered by close association with the federal Grits over the issue of conscription, winning the 1939 election but losing in 1944. The provincial party, serving a long spell in opposition, partially due to the conscription fallout, formally severed ties in 1955. Since then, relations have been tense between the federal and provincial parties, as examplified by Pierre Trudeau and Robert Bourassa's bickering over nationalism.

Some in the Alberta Liberal Party feel it has suffered as a result of federal Liberal policies unpopular in Western Canada, such as the National Energy Program and official bilingualism. The British Columbia Liberal Party Liberal Party ended its own ties with the federal party in 1987.

The Northwest Territories and Nunavut have non-partisan legislatures. Historically the Northwest Territories had political parties between 1898 and 1905. In 1905 the bulk of the populated parts were formed into the provinces of Alberta and Saskatchewan. the Northwest Territories Liberal Party formed the opposition for two elections before 1905.

See also

References

External links

9/11

To those that have fallen, We will never forget.

Wednesday, September 10, 2008

Parti Québécois

Parti Québécois

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Parti Québécois

Parti québécois logo

Active Provincial Party
Founded October 11, 1968


Leader Pauline Marois
President Monique Richard
Headquarters 1200 av. Papineau
Suite 150
Montreal, Quebec
H2K 4R5

Political ideology Social democracy, left-wing nationalism, Quebec nationalism and sovereigntism
International alignment None
Colours Blue (also Green)

Website http://www.pq.org/

The Parti Québécois [PQ] is a sovereignist (the word commonly used in Quebec for separatist) political party that advocates national sovereignty for the Canadian province of Quebec and secession from Canada, as well as social democratic policies and has traditionally had support from the labour movement. Unlike many other social democratic parties, it has no formal ties with the labour movement or labour unions. Members and supporters of the PQ are called "péquistes" (/peˈkist/ — a French word derived from the pronunciation of the party's initials).

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[edit] History

The PQ is the result of the 1968 merger between René Lévesque's Mouvement Souveraineté-Association and the Ralliement national. Following the creation of the PQ, the Rassemblement pour l'indépendance nationale held a general assembly that voted to dissolve the RIN. Its former members were invited to join the new Parti Québécois.

PQ's primary goals were and still are to obtain the political, economic and social independence for the province of Quebec. In the 1976 provincial election, the Parti Québécois was elected to form the government of Quebec. The party's leader, René Lévesque, became the Premier of Quebec. This provided cause for celebration among many French-speaking Quebecers, while it resulted in an acceleration of the migration of the province's anglophone population and related economic activity toward Toronto.

The first PQ government was known as the "republic of teachers" because of the large number of scholars who served as cabinet members. The PQ was the first government to recognize the rights of Aboriginal peoples to self-determination, insofar as this self-determination did not affect the territorial integrity of Quebec. The PQ passed laws on public consultations and the financing of political parties, which insured equal financing of political parties and limited contributions by individuals to $3000. However, the most prominent legacy of the PQ is the Charter of the French Language (the Bill 101), a framework law which defines the linguistic primacy of French and seeks to make French the common public language of Quebec. It allowed the advancement of francophones towards management roles, until then largely out of their reach — despite the fact that 85% of the population spoke French and most of them did not understand English, the language of management was English in most medium and large businesses. Critics, both francophone and anglophone, have however criticized the charter for restraining citizens' linguistic school choice, as it forbids immigrants and Quebecers of French descent from attending English-language schools funded by the state (private schools have always been an option open to everybody). The party was re-elected in the 1981 election, but in November 1984 it experienced the most severe internal crisis of its existence. The incident resulted in the resignation of Premier René Lévesque. In September 1985, the party leadership election chose Pierre Marc Johnson as his successor.

The PQ was defeated by the Liberals in the 1985 election.

The Parti Québécois initiated the 1980 Quebec referendum seeking a mandate to begin negotiation for independence. It was rejected by 60 per cent of voters. With the failure of the Charlottetown Accord and the Meech Lake Accord, two packages of proposed amendments to the Canadian constitution, the question of Quebec's status remained unresolved, and the PQ called the 1995 Quebec referendum proposing negotiations on sovereignty. After leading all night, the final count showed sovereignty was supported by 49.6% of voters. On the night of the defeat, an emotionally drained Premier Jacques Parizeau stated that the loss was caused by "money and the ethnic vote" as well as by the divided votes amongst francophones. Parizeau resigned the next day (as he is alleged to have planned beforehand in case of a defeat).

Lucien Bouchard, a former member of Prime Minister Brian Mulroney's Cabinet and later founder of the Bloc Québécois, a sovereignist party at the federal level, succeeded Parizeau as PQ leader, but chose not to call another referendum due to the absence of "winning conditions". Bouchard's government then balanced the provincial budget — a feat achieved in Canada only by the federal government and a few of the ten Canadian provinces at that point — by reducing government spending, including social programs. The PQ won another term in the 1998 election, despite receiving fewer votes than the Quebec Liberal Party of Jean Charest. Bouchard resigned in 2001, and was succeeded as PQ leader and Quebec Premier by Bernard Landry, a former PQ Finance minister. Under Landry's leadership, the party lost the 2003 election to Jean Charest's Quebec Liberal Party. Summer and fall 2004 were difficult for Landry's leadership, which was being contested. A vote was held during the party's June 2005 convention to determine whether Landry continues to have the confidence of the party membership. Landry said he wanted at least 80% of approval and after gaining 76.2% approval on the confidence vote from party membership on June 4, 2005, Landry announced his intention to resign.[1]

Louise Harel had been chosen to replace him until a new leader, André Boisclair, was elected November 15, 2005, through the party's 2005 leadership election. At the time of Boisclair's election, the PQ was as much as 20 percent ahead of the Liberals in opinion polls.[2]

However, in the 2007 provincial election, the party fell to 36 seats and behind the Action démocratique du Québec in number of seats and the popular vote: this is the first time since 1973 that the party did not form the government or Official Opposition. Boisclair said that the voters clearly did not support a strategy of a rapid referendum in the first mandate of a PQ government (This is shown by recent polls which demonstrate most Quebecers are not ready for another separation referendum). Instead of a policy convention following the election, the party will hold a presidents' council. As well, the usual post-election leadership convention may be postponed until 2008. The party caucus in the provincial legislative assembly was said to have supported Boisclair continuing as leader.

On May 8, 2007, Boisclair announced his resignation as leader of the PQ.[3] This was effective immediately, although Boisclair confirmed he would remain within the PQ caucus for the time being. He was replaced by veteran MNA François Gendron, pending a leadership race and convention.

Current Bloc Québécois leader Gilles Duceppe was the first to announce his intention to run for party leadership, on May 11, 2007. In a surprise move, he withdrew the next day. Pauline Marois also announced on May 11 that she would be running. Marois was the only declared candidate.

Leadership race rules have been drafted by the National Executive Committee and approved by the National Conference of Presidents. Candidates have until July 17, 2007 to declare. If the leadership is contested the vote result will be announced on August 25, 2007.

Marois was acclaimed leader on June 26, 2007.

[edit] Relationship with the Bloc Québécois

The Bloc Québécois is a political party at the federal Canadian level that was founded in 1990 by future PQ leader Lucien Bouchard. It holds close ties to the Parti Québécois, and shares its two principal objectives: sovereignty and social democracy. The two parties frequently share political candidates, and support each other during election campaigns.

The two parties have a similar membership and voter base. Prominent members of either party often attend and speak at both organizations' public events. The current Bloc leader, Gilles Duceppe, is also the son of Jean Duceppe, a Quebec actor who helped found the PQ. Jean Duceppe also helped found the New Democratic Party branch in Quebec, which later separated from the federal NDP and merged into the Union des forces progressistes (UFP), which gathered 1.0% of the vote during the 2004 election, twice the number of the closest fifth party (the Bloc Pot, with 0.5% of vote turnout in 2004). The UFP then merged with Option citoyenne to form the new political party Québec Solidaire.

[edit] Logo

The party's symbol has become a famous symbol of Quebec nationalism which was designed in 1968 by painter and poet Roland Giguère. It consists of a stylised letter Q, represented by a blue circle broken by a red arrow. The creator meant it as an allegory of the Parti Québécois breaking the circle of colonialism which he claimed Canada was imposing on Quebec and opening Quebec upon the world and the future [4].

The creator represented the second letter of the two-letter acronym only (see the Hydro-Québec logo, also an example of a second letter design).

Compared to the rival Parti libéral du Québec, which has completely changed its logo often, the PQ has made very few significant modifications to its logo during its history. In 1985 it made the circle and arrow slightly thicker, and placed the tip of the latter at the centre of the circle. The original saw it span the whole diameter. When placed upon a blue background instead of a white one, the circle was commonly turned to white, the single main design variation currently observed.

The party revealed a new logo on 21 February 2007, at the beginning of the 2007 provincial election campaign. While maintaining the basic style of past logos, the Q was redesigned and modernized. In addition, the tail of the Q was recoloured green, in order to present a more environmentally-friendly image of the party.

[edit] Party policy

Leader Pauline Marois told Ségolène Royal that the PQ will not hold another referendum on sovereignty if returned to power.[citation needed]. Instead, the party hopes to concentrate on the protection of the French language in Quebec, leading up to the ultimate result of sovereignty-association.

The PQ will deliver a brief to the reasonable accommodation commission on minorities, now conducting holding hearings across the province. The commission headed will look to reformulate the relations between Quebec's francophone and minority populations. Its task will be a platform for the PQ's protectionism of French.[5]

Marois stated there is nothing dogmatic in francophones wishing to declare their existence even if it includes developing legislation requiring newcomers to have a basic understanding of French before becoming citizens of Quebec.

Marois stated the PQ understands the appearance of newcomers is attractive and they donate largely to Quebec's growth, but she noted that does not say that to better acculturate them that "we must erase our own history."[6]

[edit] Bill 195

In October 2007, PQ deputy Daniel Turp authored Bill 195, the "Quebec Identity Act", which included a requirement that immigrants must learn French to obtain rights, including a putative Quebec citizenship and the right to run in elections at all levels.[7] The draft legislation concedes, though, that since Quebec is not sovereign, it does not have any jurisdiction over citizenship. Article 49.2 of the draft notes landed immigrants cannot obtain the status of "Quebec citizen" if they are not also Canadian citizens.[8] The bill also proposed the fundamental values of Quebec that should be taken account in a future constitution, including equality between sexes and the predominance of French.[9] [10]

[edit] Political reactions

The Quebec Liberal Party also dismissed some of the measures that it considered harmful and that would divide Quebec society. House Leader Jean-Marc Fournier also made a parallel between the bill and Jacques Parizeau's speech on money and the ethnic vote following the 1995 referendum, while Cabinet Minister Benoit Pelletier added that it would violate the national Charter of Rights. Many current and past members of the Parti Québécois also rejected this proposal, including Bernard Landry. [11] [12]

Marois claimed Charest was cowardly for discussing the topic in the news media, such as with his open letter, instead of the provincial legislature as she asked. She stated that if the government went on refusing, the PQ would conduct its own hearings. She maintained Charest was amenable to "90 per cent of what is contained in the bill" (despite his calling for its withdrawal) and that she was open to negotiations on it.[13]

[edit] Other reactions

The idea was met with criticism among various minority and other groups.

Léger Marketing reports that a majority of Quebecers surveyed want Marois to remove the bill or revise it to agree with the Quebec and Canadian charters of rights.[14]

A number of Université de Montréal lecturers signed a denunciation of the draft law, noting that PQ co-founder René Lévesque "frowned on the idea that Québécois identity is affirmed by excluding certain citizens."[15]

B'nai Brith Canada and CRARR (Centre for Research Action on Race Relations) conducted a news conference where both groups' spokesmen criticized the PQ’s draft law as being an imposition on the democratic rights of all Quebecers and an assault on the rights of newcomers. It was described as intolerant and discriminatory, and of the kind expected from Europe’s extreme right-wing parties.

Citizenship is a federal power, so the draft law bill would be both illegal under the Canadian constitution and violate both the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and Quebec human rights legislation.

Several analysts think Marois’ attempts to use the language debate to be an effort to return some of the nationalist vote to the PQ, and a “false debate.” The province’s department of immigration already judges French-language ability to as irrelevant for more than 70 percent of newcomers.[16]

The Quebec Federation of Labour (FTQ), which supported the PQ officially in the last general poll,, requested Marois to amend the bill to permit Canadians from other provinces to seek political office even if they are not fluently bilingual.

The Confédération des Syndicats Nationaux (CSN) also expressed reservations about the citizenship bill. Quebec lacks independence, CSN president Claudette Carbonneau stated, so the bill is inadmissible.[17]

La Presse columnist Lysiane Gagnon, who followed Lévesque's career in some detail, stated that "He would have stopped the current hysteria in a second. He would have revealed the xenophobic Hérouxville manifesto for what it was - paranoia from a village that has never seen an immigrant."[18]

Outside Quebec, several newspapers qualified the bill as "racist".[19] Don Martin, columnist for the National Post wrote that the population should try to stop the racism taking place in Quebec.[20] However, while the vast majority of non-francophones are opposed, it was supported by a bare majority of francophones, and poll analyst Jean-Marc Léger opined that Marois made a good political act. However, the Liberals and the Action democratique du Québec stated that they would defeat Bill 195.[21] [22]

A spokeswoman for the Quebec Human Rights Commission stated that the PQ's proposition is unconstitutional, as it contradicts Section 21 of Quebec's human rights charter. Currently, any resident of Quebec who gets Canadian citizenship automatically has the right to vote, to stand as a candidate, and to make petitions to the provincial legislature.[23]

[edit] Slogans

These are the slogans used by the Parti Québécois in general election campaigns throughout its history. They are displayed with an unofficial translation. The elections in which the PQ won or remained in power are in bold.

  • 1970: OUI - Yes
  • 1973: J'ai le goût du Québec - I have a taste for Quebec
  • 1976: On a besoin d'un vrai gouvernement - We need a real government
  • 1981: Faut rester forts au Québec - We must remain strong in Quebec
  • 1985: Le Québec avec Johnson - Quebec with Johnson
  • 1989: Je prends le parti du Québec - I'm choosing Quebec's party / I'm taking Quebec's side (double meaning)
  • 1994: L'autre façon de gouverner - The other way of governing
  • 1998: J'ai confiance - I am confident / I trust
  • 2003: Restons forts - Let us remain strong
  • 2007: Reconstruisons notre Québec - Let us rebuild our Quebec

[edit] Party leaders

[edit] Leadership elections

[edit] Election results

General election # of candidates # of seats won % of popular vote result
1970 108 7 23.06% Liberal majority
1973 110 6 30.22% Liberal majority
1976 110 71 41.37% PQ majority
1981 122 80 49.26% PQ majority
1985 122 23 38.69% Liberal majority
1989 125 29 40.16% Liberal majority
1994 125 77 44.75% PQ majority
1998 124 76 42.87% PQ majority
2003 125 45 33.24% Liberal majority
2007 125 36 28.35% Liberal minority

[edit] Notes

[edit] References

  • Lévesque, Michel and Pelletier, Martin (Sept. 2007). Le Parti québécois : bibliographie 1968-2007, Bibliothèque de l'Assemblée nationale du Québec, 244 pages
  • Dubuc, Pierre (2003). L'autre histoire de l'indépendance : de Pierre Vallières à Charles Gagnon, de Claude Morin à Paul Desmarais, Trois-Pistoles: Éditions Trois-Pistoles, 288 pages ISBN 2-89583-076-2
  • Fraser, Graham (2001). René Lévesque & the Parti Québécois in Power, Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 434 pages ISBN 0-7735-2310-3 [First Ed. Toronto: Macmillan, 1984]
  • Godin, Pierre (1997). René Lévesque, Héros malgré lui, Éditions Boréal ISBN 2-89052-833-2
  • Lévesque, René (1986). Memoirs, Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 368 pages ISBN 0771052855 [translated by Philip Stratford]

[edit] See also

[edit] External links