Wednesday, September 9, 2009

not a dangerous offender!.

A Quebec judge has ruled a repeat drunk driver who pleaded guilty to killing a woman in a wheelchair in 2008 is not a dangerous offender, but still deserves a life sentence, the toughest penalty ever handed out for such a crime in Canada.

Anee Khudaverdian was killed on her 47th birthday.Anee Khudaverdian was killed on her 47th birthday. (CBC)

Quebec court Judge Michel Mercier ruled Wednesday that Roger Walsh will not be labelled a dangerous offender for life, despite requests for that designation from the Crown prosecutor and the victim's family.

Walsh pleaded guilty last year in the hit-and-run death of Anee Khudaverdian, a Les Cèdres resident who used a wheelchair because of a childhood polio infection.

Khudaverdian's family, who said their sister's 2008 death "shattered" them, say they're happy with Wednesday's outcome.

"We made history today, which I think is really significant and important," Clara Khudaverdian told CBC News from her home in Dollard-des-Ormeaux, on Montreal's West Island.

"In the end, it's just a label, in terms of the actual time spent in prison, it's the same," she said.

While the designation is still important to her, Khudaverdian said Mercier's ruling advances public debate about dangerous offenders, and hopefully lawmakers will listen too.

Walsh 'incorrigible' and at high risk of reoffending

In handing down his ruling at the Valleyfield courthouse, southwest of Montreal, Mercier told his courtroom that Canadian law on dangerous offenders is not clear enough for him to brand Walsh with it.

The designation, he said, is a powerful legal weapon reserved for the worst criminals, but did not apply in this case given the law's current wording.

But Mercier said a life sentence is appropriate because he is convinced Walsh would be likely to reoffend, given his 19 drunk-driving convictions and long list of other criminal convictions.

He called Walsh "incorrigible."

The 57-year-old from St. Lazare had more than double the legal blood-alcohol limit in his system the night he struck and killed Khudaverdian with his minivan.

Khudaverdian, who was celebrating her 47th birthday that day and out walking her dog, was thrown into a ditch. Walsh drove away from the collision and was arrested about 10 kilometres away, after he crashed into a ditch himself.

Walsh has a long criminal record, including 114 convictions for assault, uttering threats, breaking and entering, and theft, in addition to the 19 drunk-driving convictions.

Dangerous offender label gives judges options

Until recently, the dangerous offender designation under Canadian law meant an indefinite prison term, and was only used in the most heinous crimes such as murder or serial rape.

A Quebec judge called Roger Walsh incorrigible, but refused to label him a dangerous offenderA Quebec judge called Roger Walsh incorrigible, but refused to label him a dangerous offender (CBC)

But Criminal Code amendments brought in by the Conservative government in 2008 mean prosecutors have the option of handing dangerous offenders a fixed prison sentence with mandatory supervision for 10 years upon release.

Crown prosecutors in Walsh's case were hopeful the Criminal Code amendments would work in their favour.

It marks the third time Canadian prosecutors have sought — and failed — to obtain a dangerous offender designation for a drunk driver.

Prosecutors in Ontario and Alberta have tried unsuccessfully to prosecute repeat drunk drivers as dangerous offenders.

Monday, September 7, 2009

Le CCN a pas ajouter de Khadr. to Case Information > Summary for the 13 of November 2009 à l'affaire information> Sommaire pour le 13 de Novembre 2009

C'est ce qui a Thay-vous!. add ajouter

Khadr


SCC Case Information Renseignements sur les dossiers

Summary Sommaire

32860 32860

Marcel de Montigny, personally and in his capacity as heir and liquidator of the succession of Liliane de Montigny, et al. Marcel de Montigny, personnellement et en sa qualité d'héritier et liquidateur de la succession de Liliane de Montigny, et al. v. Succession of the late Martin Brossard represented by Roger Brossard, his liquidator c. Succession du regretté Martin Brossard représentée par Roger Brossard, son liquidateur

(Quebec) (Civil) (By Leave) (Québec) (Civil) (By Leave)

Keywords Mots-clés

Torts. Torts.

Summary Sommaire

Case summaries are prepared by the Office of the Registrar of the Supreme Court of Canada (Law Branch) for information purposes only. Résumés de dossiers sont préparés par le Bureau du registraire de la Cour suprême du Canada (Direction du droit) à des fins d'information seulement.

Civil liability – Damages – Moral damages – Exemplary damages – Whether amounts awarded to Applicants for moral injury were adequate – Whether death of person who commits intentional acts that may result in award of exemplary damages to that person's victims precludes ordering his succession to pay exemplary damages – Charter of human rights and freedoms, RSQ, c. Responsabilité civile - Dommages-intérêts - Dommages moraux - Dommages exemplaires - Le montant attribué aux bénéficiaires pour préjudice moral ont été adéquates? - Le décès de la personne qui commet des actes délibérés mai conduire à accorder des dommages exemplaires pour que les victimes personne s'oppose ordonnant sa succession à payer des dommages exemplaires - Charte des droits de l'homme et des libertés, LRQ, c. C-12. C-12.

On April 22, 2002, Martin Brossard killed his spouse, Liliane de Montigny, and their two daughters and then committed suicide. Le 22 avril 2002, Martin Brossard a tué son épouse, Liliane de Montigny, et leurs deux filles, et s'est ensuite suicidé. Liliane de Montigny's father and two sisters then brought an action in damages against Martin Brossard's succession, in which they joined a direct action and an action by the successions. Père de Liliane de Montigny et les deux soeurs a alors introduit une action en dommages-intérêts contre la succession Martin Brossard, où ils ont rejoint une action directe et une action de la successions. The direct action included claims for pain, suffering and loss of expectation of life as well as for funeral expenses and exemplary damages. L'action directe étaient les revendications de la douleur, la souffrance et la perte d'espérance de vie ainsi que pour les frais funéraires et des dommages exemplaires. The action by the successions had two components: one in which the Applicants, in their capacity as heirs and liquidators, claimed the damages allegedly suffered by Liliane's succession, and the other in which Liliane's father did the same for the successions of his two granddaughters. L'action des successions a deux composantes: l'une dans laquelle les requérants, en leur qualité d'héritiers et les liquidateurs, a revendiqué les dommages prétendument subis par la succession de Liliane, et l'autre dans laquelle le père de Liliane fait de même pour les successions de ses deux petites-filles. The Superior Court allowed the action in part. La Cour supérieure a accueilli l'action en partie. The Court of Appeal allowed the appeal in part. La Cour d'appel a accueilli l'appel en partie.

Sunday, September 6, 2009

SCC has not add Khadr. to Case Information > Summary for the 13 of November 2009

This is what thay have up now!. add

Khadr


SCC Case Information

Summary

32860

Marcel de Montigny, personally and in his capacity as heir and liquidator of the succession of Liliane de Montigny, et al. v. Succession of the late Martin Brossard represented by Roger Brossard, his liquidator

(Quebec) (Civil) (By Leave)

Keywords

Torts.

Summary

Case summaries are prepared by the Office of the Registrar of the Supreme Court of Canada (Law Branch) for information purposes only.

Civil liability – Damages – Moral damages – Exemplary damages – Whether amounts awarded to Applicants for moral injury were adequate – Whether death of person who commits intentional acts that may result in award of exemplary damages to that person’s victims precludes ordering his succession to pay exemplary damages – Charter of human rights and freedoms, R.S.Q., c. C-12.

On April 22, 2002, Martin Brossard killed his spouse, Liliane de Montigny, and their two daughters and then committed suicide. Liliane de Montigny’s father and two sisters then brought an action in damages against Martin Brossard’s succession, in which they joined a direct action and an action by the successions. The direct action included claims for pain, suffering and loss of expectation of life as well as for funeral expenses and exemplary damages. The action by the successions had two components: one in which the Applicants, in their capacity as heirs and liquidators, claimed the damages allegedly suffered by Liliane’s succession, and the other in which Liliane’s father did the same for the successions of his two granddaughters. The Superior Court allowed the action in part. The Court of Appeal allowed the appeal in part.

Thursday, September 3, 2009

Canada's top court to rule tomorrow on Omar Khadr. Haut tribunal du Canada de se prononcer demain sur Omar Khadr.

La Cour suprême se prononce sur le cas de Khadr, ce vendredi.
Friday is going to be very interesting! Le vendredi est va être très intéressant!

Canada's top court to rule tomorrow on Omar Khadr.

The Supreme Court will rule on the Khadr case this Friday.
Friday is going to be very interesting!

Tuesday, September 1, 2009

Remarks to the National Liberal Caucus Text of Speech by Leader Michael Ignatieff in Sudbury

Text of Speech by Leader Michael Ignatieff in Sudbury
Michael Ignatieff, MP

Leader of the Opposition

Remarks to the National Liberal Caucus

Sudbury, Ontario
September 1, 2009


Thank you.

Welcome to Sudbury!

Last night we had 600 people out.

You feel the energy here and you know we’re going to make Sudbury Liberal again.

Everywhere I’ve been this summer, I’ve seen the same enthusiasm—all while apparently remaining completely invisible.

Hundreds of people didn’t notice me out in Victoria back in June. Or in West Vancouver. Or in Cape Breton.

I was perfectly invisible in front of nearly a thousand people at the Calgary Stampede. Ralph (Goodale) is still wondering how I pulled that off.

Same story at National Aboriginal Day at Crawford Lake.

I was never in Quebec City for Saint-Jean-Baptiste, or in Miramichi and Caraquet for le Grand Tintamarre.

Let’s not even talk about Edmonton, la Beauce or la Gaspésie.

The media like to say that I was invisible, but I’ll tell you one thing—I wasn’t.

Everywhere I went, across eight provinces and the Northwest Territories, Liberals are energized and set to work hard to put Stephen Harper out of a job.

We should be proud of the work we’ve done this year.

We’ve grown our Party—with new members, new ideas, and the best fundraising in recent memory.

We’re more united than we’ve been in a generation.

We’re ready to fight in every riding in the country.

And we’re ready to bring smart, compassionate government back to Canada.

I know it can be frustrating at times.

We’re working against opponents who make politics personal—who distort and deny the truth and put partisan gain ahead of the national interest.

We’re working against a government that’s ready to sacrifice national unity to stay in power.

But we have a secret weapon: Stephen Harper’s own record.

The worst unemployment record in two decades;

The worst deficit in our history;

And last quarter, the worst performing economy in the G7.

Stephen Harper didn’t see a recession coming last fall.

Now he’s missing something bigger: what we’re going through is more than a recession—it’s a fundamental restructuring of the global economy.

Stephen Harper doesn’t get that.

He doesn’t get that Canada’s in a race—that we’ve got to position our country to compete in the twenty-first century. We’ve got to make Canada a world leader again, and we’ve got to do it now.

He doesn’t get what foresters in Northern Ontario and BC and Quebec understand—that we can’t just wait for the housing market to pick up in the United States; we’ve got to build brand new markets and deliver brand new products that the world wants to buy.

He doesn’t get what autoworkers in Windsor and Oshawa know —that we’re not just going to have to win back customers; we’re going to have to re-invent the car, with brand new technologies and brand new environmental standards.

He doesn’t get what the people of Sudbury know—that when our workers and our industries are under threat—when the choice is between defending Canadian jobs and Canadian technology—we need a strong government that will defend our interests.

Stephen Harper doesn’t get it. We do.

For more than a century, we’ve built our prosperity on our natural resources. But if we’re to prosper in the next century, we have to turn our resources into products and technologies the whole world wants to buy.

We can’t get there unless we have the vision and ambition to build a competitive, compassionate future for Canada.

We can’t get there unless we open up new markets for Canadian exports in countries like China and India.

We can’t get there with Stephen Harper.

Stephen Harper has been prime minister for four years, and he’s never visited China. We’ll be there next week. After that, we’ll plan a trip to India.

That’s where we need to be as a country—if we want to secure markets for the next generation of our exports—if we want to compete with the best in the world—if we want to get out of the trade deficit the Conservatives have created, the first in thirty years.

We can do better.

Next summer, Canada is hosting the G8 Summit in Huntsville.

It’s an opportunity to demonstrate Canadian leadership, to shape the world’s agenda—the way Paul Martin did, and Jean Chrétien before him.

Stephen Harper hasn’t even come up with a guest list.

A Liberal government would invite new members to that meeting.

We’d use Canada’s G8 Summit to begin the process of evolving the G8 to a G20, as the world’s steering committee.

We cannot make progress on global challenges without China and India at the table.

The G8 has served its purpose well, but its time has passed.

Instead of resisting change, Canada must be a catalyst for change.

We must lead the world to embrace a more effective, more representative forum—where we can demonstrate global leadership that’s been Canada’s hallmark since Lester B. Pearson.

We must be ready to devote our own resources toward strengthening the G20—by funding and hosting a permanent Secretariat in Canada.

In Huntsville, Canada could set an agenda that furthers our interests and the world—starting with new frameworks for financial regulation, to prevent the sort of global collapse we saw this past year.

Canada can lead in a changing world, but only if we dare to act. Stephen Harper wants to keep us on the sidelines.

We can do better.

Stephen Harper hasn’t just failed to stand up for Canada—he’s also failed to stand up for Canadians.

Suaad Mohamud. Omar Khadr. Makhtal. Bahari. Mohamed. Abdelrazik.

Being a Canadian must mean the Canadian government will stand up for you—no matter where, no matter when. This is at the heart of what every Liberal believes: a Canadian is a Canadian is a Canadian.

A Liberal government would stand by the Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

We would stand by our citizens.

And we would bring forward legislation to protect Canadians abroad—to make it illegal for the government to pick and choose which citizens it protects—to make sure these abuses never happen again.

Stephen Harper leads a government that doesn’t care. A government that doesn’t believe in government. A government that refuses to govern—even in a crisis.

A Liberal government would stand by the Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

We would stand by our citizens.

And we would bring forward legislation to protect Canadians abroad—to make it illegal for the government to pick and choose which citizens it protects—to make sure these abuses never happen again.

Stephen Harper leads a government that doesn’t care. A government that doesn’t believe in government. A government that refuses to govern—even in a crisis.

Let’s remember how we got here.

A year ago this month, Stephen Harper told Canadians there wouldn’t be a recession in this country. He said a slumping stock market meant “good buying opportunities,” but no cause for alarm.

Last November, he presented a partisan economic statement that triggered a political crisis.

And Stephen Harper escaped defeat only by shutting down Parliament.

In January, we put Stephen Harper on probation – and we’ve kept him on life support ever since.

We forced his government to accept the toughest accountability standards in the G8—with full budget reports to Parliament each quarter.

After a disappointing June report, we set out four simple benchmarks Stephen Harper would have to meet.

We said we were prepared to work with Stephen Harper to fix Employment Insurance—to make it fair for all Canadians, no matter where they live, for as long as the crisis lasts.

Not one single proposal came from the other side—only spin and deceit.

Second, we demanded straight answers about job creation and infrastructure stimulus.

Rather than answer, Stephen Harper spent the summer trying to hide his failure to create jobs—re-announcing projects that should have been underway months ago.

In fact, only two hundred of the twelve hundred infrastructure projects that the Conservatives announced in Ontario have actually received the funding they were promised.

Only Stephen Harper could count that as being 80% underway.

Third, we demanded a credible plan to get Canada out of deficit.

Stephen Harper’s response has been: “Don’t worry, give it a few years, and the books will balance themselves.”

You can put that next to his promise not to run deficits in the first place.

Or his promise not to tax income trusts.

Or his promise not to appoint Senators.

For a decade, under liberal governments, Canada led the world in debt reduction. We had the best fiscal performance in the G8.

But the conservatives put us back in the red, even before the recession.

And now they can’t even tell us how deep a hole they’ve put us in, let alone their plan for getting us out of it.

That’s not good enough.

We’ve had four years of this—four years of a government that mismanages our public finances, and a prime minister who divides the country to score political points.

You can’t count on a government that can’t count—and a prime minister who’s only good at division.

Finally, we demanded a plan to deal with the health care crisis.

Twice on Stephen Harper’s watch there’s been a breakdown in the supply of medical isotopes.

Instead of acting, what did Stephen Harper do? He fired the whistle-blower on isotopes. Then he cancelled the MAPLE reactors that would have guaranteed Canadian leadership in isotope supply.

Two years later, he finally revealed his plan: To get out of nuclear medicine and let the provinces pick up the difference.

That’s not good enough for the tens of thousands of Canadian families waiting for cardiac and cancer care for their loved ones.

And that’s not good enough for the millions around the world, who have relied on Canadian leadership for half a century.

It’s simply unacceptable to have the world ask: “Where’s Canada?”

We can do better and we will do better.

A Liberal government will restore Canadian leadership. We’ll stand up for Canadian research and Canadian families. We’ll stand up for Canadian know-how and ensure the world never asks again “Where’s Canada?”.

Right now, while Americans are fighting for a public health care system, Stephen Harper has refused to utter a word in defence of our own.

Liberals proudly support public health care in this country—and, unlike the Conservatives, we’re not afraid to defend it.

In June, we set out four tests for Stephen Harper.

Mr. Harper, you have failed all four.

You’ve failed to protect the most vulnerable. You’ve failed to create jobs. Failed to defend our health care. Failed to restore our public finances.

After four years of drift, four years of denial, four years of division and discord—

Mr Harper, your time is up.

The Liberal Party cannot support this government any further.

We will hold it to account. We will oppose it in Parliament.

And if elections are called, we will be ready to offer a better future for our country.

Canadians deserve better.

Over the past days and weeks, I’ve heard from our caucus, and we’ve all heard from Canadians: Our job as Liberals is to give them a choice.

A choice between two parties. Two sets of values. Two visions for Canada.

We can choose a small Canada—a diminished, mean, and petty country. A Canada that lets down its citizens at home and fails them abroad. A Canada that’s absent on the world stage.

That’s Stephen Harper’s Canada.

Or we can choose a big Canada. A Canada that is generous and open. A Canada that inspires. That leads the world by example. That makes us all proud.

2017 will be our 150th birthday.

We can be the smartest, healthiest, greenest, most open-minded country there is—but only if we choose to be.

We can build a Knowledge Society, from pre-school to post-secondary, with quality early learning and childcare for every Canadian child.

We can ensure that every Aboriginal Canadian gets a world-class, not a second-class education—with the opportunities to match.

We can create tomorrow’s job by investing more, not less, in research and innovation.

We can invest in our environment—and invent the clean energy technologies that will have the world beat a path to our door.

That’s our Canada. A liberal Canada. The Canada we can believe in. The Canada that awaits us—but only if we dare. Only if we act. Only if we choose now.

Only with the smart, compassionate leadership this Liberal team can provide.

Our country is waiting—Let’s get started.

- 30 -


Michael Ignatieff, député
Chef de l’Opposition

Devant le caucus national libéral

Sudbury, Ontario
Le 1er septembre 2009



Bienvenue à Sudbury!

Hier soir, nous étions 600.

Vous sentez l’énergie qu’il y a ici. Cette énergie, c’est celle du retour du Parti libéral du Canada à Sudbury!

Partout où je suis allé cet été, j’ai vu le même enthousiasme, tout en restant apparemment totalement invisible.

Des centaines de gens ne m’ont pas remarqué à Victoria en juin. Ni à Vancouver Ouest, ni au Cap Breton.

Je suis resté parfaitement invisible devant une foule de près de mille personnes au Stampede de Calgary. Ralph (Goodale), se demande toujours comment j’ai fait.

Même chose pour la journée nationale des Autochtones à Crawford Lake.

Et pendant que nous y sommes, je ne suis jamais allé non plus fêter la Saint-Jean-Baptiste à Québec, je n’étais pas au Grand Tintamarre à Miramichi ni à Caraquet; et ne parlons pas d’Edmonton, de la Beauce ou de la Gaspésie.

Les médias aiment dire que j’ai été invisible, mais je vais vous dire une chose – je ne l’étais pas.

Partout où je suis allé, dans huit provinces et les territoires du Nord-Ouest, les libéraux sont pleins d’énergie et prêts à travailler jour et nuit pour sortir Stephen Harper.

Nous pouvons être fiers du travail que nous avons fait cette année.

Nous avons fait grandir notre parti : avec de nouveaux membres, avec de nouvelles idées... et avec la meilleure campagne de financement des dernières années.

Nous sommes plus unis que nous l’avons été depuis une génération.

Nous sommes prêts à livrer bataille dans chaque comté du pays.

Et nous sommes prêts à ramener un gouvernement compétent et de compassion au Canada.

Je sais que c’est parfois frustrant.

Nos opposants confondent politique et affaires personnelles. Ils déforment et nient la vérité, et s’intéressent plus à leurs gains partisans qu’au pays qu’ils sont sensés gouverner.

Nous sommes face à un gouvernement qui est prêt à sacrifier l’unité nationale pour rester au pouvoir.

Mais nous avons une arme secrète : le bilan de Stephen Harper.

Le pire taux de chômage en vingt ans.

Le pire déficit de notre histoire.

Et, au dernier trimestre, la pire performance économique de tout le G7.

Stephen Harper n’a pas vu la récession venir l’automne dernier.

Et maintenant, il ne voit pas quelque chose de plus important encore : ce que nous vivons n’est pas une simple récession, c’est une restructuration fondamentale de l’économie mondiale.

Stephen Harper ne comprend pas cela.

Il ne comprend pas que le Canada est engagé dans une course, et que nous devons prendre position si nous voulons rester compétitifs au vingt-et-unième siècle. Le Canada doit redevenir un leader mondial, et nous devons nous y préparer dès maintenant.

Il ne comprend pas ce que les travailleurs de la forêt du nord de l’Ontario, du Québec et de la Colombie-Britannique ont compris. C’est pourtant simple : on ne peut pas rester les bras croisés et attendre que la construction reprenne aux États-Unis. Il faut agir. Atteindre de nouveaux marchés et développer de nouveaux produits pour prendre notre place dans un monde nouveau.

Il ne comprend pas ce que les travailleurs de l’automobile de Windsor et Oshawa savent depuis longtemps : qu’il ne suffira pas simplement de regagner des acheteurs perdus, il faut réinventer l’automobile grâce à des technologies de pointe et de nouvelles normes environnementales.

Stephen Harper ne comprend pas. Nous, oui.


Pendant plus d’un siècle, la prospérité du Canada a reposé exclusivement sur nos ressources naturelles. Mais si nous voulons prospérer au vingt-et-unième siècle, il faudra transformer nos ressources en produits et en technologies que le monde entier voudra acheter.

Nous ne réussirons pas sans la vision et l’ambition qu’il faut pour bâtir un avenir compétitif et généreux pour notre pays.

Nous n’y arriverons pas sans ouvrir de nouveaux marchés d’exportation pour le Canada, en Chine et en Inde, par exemple.

Nous n’y arriverons pas avec Stephen Harper.

Stephen Harper est Premier ministre depuis quatre ans, et il n’est pas allé en Chine une seule fois. Nous y serons la semaine prochaine. Ensuite, nous planifierons un voyage en Inde.

Voilà ce que nous devons faire pour notre pays - si nous voulons assurer les marchés de l’avenir pour nos exportations - si nous voulons faire concurrence aux meilleurs du monde - si nous voulons mettre fin au déficit commercial créé par les conservateurs, le premier en trente ans.

Nous pouvons faire mieux.

L’été prochain, le Canada accueillera le Sommet du G8 à Huntsville.

Ce sera une occasion de démontrer le leadership canadien et de contribuer à définir les priorités mondiales - de la manière que Paul Martin l’a fait et Jean Chrétien avant lui également.

Stephen Harper n’a même pas encore de liste d’invités.

Un gouvernement libéral inviterait de nouveaux membres à ce sommet.

Nous profiterions d’un sommet du G8 au Canada pour commencer à évoluer vers le G20, qui deviendrait un comité directeur mondial.

Nous ne pouvons pas avancer sur les grandes questions internationales sans la Chine et l’Inde à la table des négociations.

Le G8 a bien fait ce qu’il avait à faire. Mais le monde change.

Plutôt que de résister au changement, le Canada devrait inspirer le changement.

Nous pouvons convaincre nos partenaires d’avoir une gouvernance mondiale plus efficace, avec un forum plus représentatif du monde d’aujourd’hui. Nous devons reprendre ce leadership mondial qui a fait la réputation du Canada depuis Lester B. Pearson.

Nous devons être prêts à agir et à investir pour renforcer le G20 en finançant et en accueillant chez nous le Secrétariat permanent du G20.

Et nous devons profiter du sommet canadien pour établir un programme qui va dans le sens de nos intérêts et de ceux d’un monde meilleur. Et cela doit commencer par un nouvel encadrement de la réglementation financière. L’effondrement de l’an passé ne doit plus se reproduire.

A Huntsville, le Canada pourrait proposer un agenda qui reflète nos intérêts nos intérêts et ceux du monde – en commençant un nouvel encadrement de la réglementation financière. Comme ça, le Canada pourrait assurer que l’effondrement de l’an passé ne se reproduise pas.

Le Canada peut mener un monde en pleine transition, mais seulement si nous nous lançons. Stephen Harper préfère rester en marge.

Nous pouvons faire mieux.

Stephen Harper n’a pas seulement laissé tomber le Canada — il a aussi laissé tomber les Canadiens.

Suaad Mohamud. Omar Khadr. Makhtal. Bahari. Mohamed. Abdelrazik.

Être canadien doit vouloir dire que votre gouvernement défendra vos droits, partout, e