SUPREME COURT OF
CANADA
Citation: R. v. Ipeelee,
2012 SCC 13
|
Date:
20120323
Docket:
33650, 34245
|
Between:
Manasie
Ipeelee
Appellant
and
Her Majesty The
Queen
Respondent
- and -
Director of Public
Prosecutions and Aboriginal Legal Services of Toronto Inc.
Interveners
And
Between:
Her Majesty The
Queen
Appellant
and
Frank Ralph
Ladue
Respondent
- and -
British Columbia
Civil Liberties Association and Canadian Civil Liberties Association
Interveners
Coram:
McLachlin C.J. and Binnie, LeBel, Deschamps, Fish, Abella and Rothstein JJ.
Reasons for
Judgment:
(paras. 1 to 98):
Reasons Dissenting
in Part:
(paras. 99 to 157):
|
LeBel J. (McLachlin C.J. and Binnie, Deschamps, Fish and
Abella JJ. concurring)
Rothstein J.
|
Note:
This document is subject to editorial revision before its reproduction in final
form in the Canada Supreme Court Reports.
r.
v. ipeelee
Manasie Ipeelee
Appellant
v.
Her Majesty The Queen
Respondent
and
Director of Public Prosecutions and
Aboriginal Legal Services of
Toronto Inc. Interveners
‑ and ‑
Her Majesty The Queen
Appellant
v.
Frank Ralph Ladue
Respondent
and
British Columbia Civil Liberties Association and
Canadian Civil Liberties
Association Interveners
Indexed
as: R. v. Ipeelee
2012
SCC 13
File Nos.:
33650, 34245.
2011: October 17; 2012: March 23.
Present:
McLachlin C.J. and Binnie, LeBel, Deschamps, Fish, Abella and Rothstein JJ.
on appeal
from the courts of appeal for ontario and british columbia
Criminal law — Sentencing — Aboriginal offenders — Breach of condition of
long‑term supervision order — Principles governing sentencing of Aboriginal
offenders — Whether principles outlined in R. v. Gladue apply to breach of
long‑term supervision order — Criminal Code, R.S.C. 1985, c. C‑46,
s. 718.2(e).
These two appeals involve Aboriginal offenders with long criminal records. Both
Aboriginal offenders were declared long‑term offenders and had long‑term
supervision orders (“LTSO”) imposed. The offender I is an alcoholic with a
history of committing violent offences when intoxicated. He was sentenced to
six years’ imprisonment followed by an LTSO after being designated a long‑term
offender. After his release from prison, I committed an offence while
intoxicated thereby breaching a condition of his LTSO. He was sentenced to
three years’ imprisonment, less six months of pre‑sentence custody at a 1:1
credit rate. The Court of Appeal dismissed the appeal brought by I. The
offender L is addicted to drugs and alcohol and has a history of committing
sexual assaults when intoxicated. L was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment
followed by an LTSO after being designated a long‑term offender. After his
release from prison, he failed a urinalysis test; thereby breaching a condition
of his LTSO. L was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment, less five months of
pre‑sentence custody at a 1.5:1 rate. A majority of the Court of Appeal allowed
L’s appeal and reduced the sentence to one year’s imprisonment.
Held
(Rothstein J. dissenting in part): The appeal should be allowed
in Ipeelee. The appeal should be dismissed in Ladue.
Per: McLachlin C.J. and Binnie, LeBel, Deschamps, Fish and
Abella JJ.
The central issue in these appeals is how to determine a fit sentence for a
breach of an LTSO in the case of an Aboriginal offender in particular. Trial
judges enjoy a broad discretion in the sentencing process. A sentencing judge
has a duty to apply all of the principles mandated by ss. 718.1 and 718.2 of the
Criminal Code in order to devise a fit and proper sentence which respects
the well‑established principles and objectives of sentencing set out in Part
XXIII of the Criminal Code. Proportionality is the sine qua non
of a just sanction. Proportionality, the fundamental principle of sentencing,
is intimately tied to the fundamental purpose of sentencing — the maintenance of
a just, peaceful and safe society through the imposition of just sanctions. An
appellate court must be satisfied that the sentence under review is
proportionate to both the gravity of the offence and the degree of
responsibility of the offender.
The purpose of an LTSO is two‑fold: to protect the public and to rehabilitate
offenders and reintegrate them into the community. It is the sentencing judge’s
duty, adopting a contextual approach, to determine which sentencing options will
be proportionate to both the gravity of the offence and the degree of
responsibility of the offender. Sentencing is an individual process. The
severity of a given breach will ultimately depend on all of the circumstances,
including the nature of the condition breached, how that condition is tied to
managing the particular offender’s risk of re‑offence, and the circumstances of
the breach.
Section 718.2(e) of the Criminal Code is a remedial provision
designed to ameliorate the serious problem of overrepresentation of Aboriginal
people in Canadian prisons, and to encourage sentencing judges to have recourse
to a restorative approach to sentencing. Courts must ensure that a formalistic
approach to parity in sentencing does not undermine the remedial purpose of
s. 718.2(e). Section 718.2(e) does more than affirm existing
principles of sentencing; it calls upon judges to use a different method of
analysis in determining a fit sentence for Aboriginal offenders. The enactment
of s. 718.2(e) is a specific direction by Parliament to pay particular
attention to the circumstances of Aboriginal offenders during the sentencing
process because those circumstances are unique and different from those of
non‑Aboriginal offenders. To the extent that current sentencing practices do
not further the objectives of deterring criminality and rehabilitating
offenders, those practices must change so as to meet the needs of Aboriginal
offenders and their communities. Sentencing judges, as front‑line workers in
the criminal justice system, are in the best position to re‑evaluate these
criteria to ensure that they are not contributing to ongoing systemic racial
discrimination. Just sanctions are those that do not operate in a
discriminatory manner.
When sentencing an Aboriginal offender, a judge must consider the factors
outlined in R. v. Gladue, [1999] 1 S.C.R. 688: (a) the unique systemic
or background factors which may have played a part in bringing the particular
Aboriginal offender before the courts; and (b) the types of sentencing
procedures and sanctions which may be appropriate in the circumstances for the
offender because of his or her particular Aboriginal heritage or connection.
Systemic and background factors may bear on the culpability of the offender, to
the extent that they shed light on his or her level of moral blameworthiness.
Failing to take these circumstances into account would violate the fundamental
principle of sentencing — that the sentence must be proportionate to the gravity
of the offence and the degree of responsibility of the offender. The
Gladue principles direct sentencing judges to abandon the presumption
that all offenders and all communities share the same values when it comes to
sentencing and to recognize that, given these fundamentally different world
views, different or alternative sanctions may more effectively achieve the
objectives of sentencing in a particular community. The principles from
Gladue are entirely consistent with the requirement that sentencing
judges engage in an individualized assessment of all of the relevant factors and
circumstances, including the status and life experiences, of the person standing
before them. Gladue affirms this requirement and recognizes that, up to
this point, Canadian courts have failed to take into account the unique
circumstances of Aboriginal offenders that bear on the sentencing process.
Section 718.2(e) is intended to remedy this failure by directing judges
to craft sentences in a manner that is meaningful to Aboriginal peoples.
When sentencing an Aboriginal offender, courts must take judicial notice of such
matters as the history of colonialism, displacement, and residential schools and
how that history continues to translate into lower educational attainment, lower
incomes, higher unemployment, higher rates of substance abuse and suicide, and
of course higher levels of incarceration for Aboriginal peoples. These matters
provide the necessary context for understanding and evaluating the case‑specific
information presented by counsel. However, these matters, on their own, do not
necessarily justify a different sentence for Aboriginal offenders. Furthermore,
there is nothing in the Gladue decision which would indicate that
background and systemic factors should not also be taken into account for other,
non‑Aboriginal offenders. The parity principle which is contained in
s. 718.2(b) means that any disparity between sanctions for different
offenders needs to be justified. To the extent that the application of the
Gladue principles lead to different sanctions for Aboriginal offenders,
those sanctions will be justified based on their unique circumstances —
circumstances which are rationally related to the sentencing process. Counsel
has a duty to bring individualized information before the court in every case,
unless the offender expressly waives his right to have it considered.
A Gladue report, which contains case‑specific information, is tailored to
the specific circumstances of the Aboriginal offender. A Gladue report
is an indispensable sentencing tool to be provided at a sentencing hearing for
an Aboriginal offender and it is also indispensable to a judge in fulfilling his
duties under s. 718.2(e) of the Criminal Code.
The sentencing judge has a statutory duty, imposed by s. 718.2(e) of the
Criminal Code, to consider the unique circumstances of Aboriginal
offenders. If the sentencing judge fails to apply the Gladue principles
in any case involving an Aboriginal offender this would run afoul of this
statutory obligation. Furthermore, the failure to apply the Gladue
principles in any case would also result in a sentence that is not fit and is
not consistent with the fundamental principle of proportionality. Therefore,
application of the Gladue principles is required in every case involving
an Aboriginal offender, including the breach of an LTSO, and a failure to do so
constitutes an error justifying appellate intervention.
In the instant case of I, the courts below made several errors in principle
warranting appellate intervention. The courts below erred in concluding that
rehabilitation was not a relevant sentencing objective. As a result of this
error, the courts below gave only attenuated consideration to I’s circumstances
as an Aboriginal offender. A sentence of one years’ imprisonment should be
substituted. In the instant case of L, the decision of the majority of the
Court of Appeal is well founded and adequately reflects the principles and
objectives of sentencing. The appeal is dismissed and the sentence of one
years’ imprisonment is affirmed.
Per Rothstein J. (dissenting in part): In sentencing for the breach of a
condition of a LTSO, which is central to the risk of the long‑term offender
violently reoffending, the protection of the public, more so than the
rehabilitation or reintegration of the offender, must be the dominant
consideration of the sentencing judge in the determination of a fit and proper
sentence. The majority in this case, does not specifically address the issue of
the sentencing of Aboriginal offenders who have been found to be long‑term
offenders and have been found guilty of breaching a condition of a LTSO. They
have not taken account of the difference between the objectives and requirements
of LTSOs for long‑term offenders who abide by the conditions of their LTSO and
the objectives and requirements of sentencing long‑term offenders who have
breached a condition of their LTSO.
The breach of a LTSO raises serious concerns that rehabilitation and
reintegration are not being achieved and calls into doubt whether, despite
supervision, the long‑term offender has demonstrated that the substantial risk
of reoffending in a violent manner in the community by the long‑term offender
can be adequately managed. Section 753.3(1) of the Criminal Code
provides that a breach of a LTSO constitutes an indictable offence, as opposed
to a hybrid offence, with a maximum sentence of ten years. The maximum term is
for the breach of the LTSO exclusively and is not dependant on the long‑term
offender having been found guilty of another substantive offence, violent or
otherwise. The necessary implication is that Parliament viewed breaches of
LTSOs as posing such risk to the protection of society that long‑term offenders
may have to be separated from society for a significant period of time. Where a
breach is central to the substantial risk of reoffending, such as where alcohol
or substance consumption has been found to be the trigger for violent offences
by the long‑term offender, the breach must be considered to be very serious.
Section 718.2(e) of the Criminal Code requires a sentencing judge
to consider background and systemic factors in crafting a sentence, and all
available sanctions other than imprisonment that are reasonable in the
circumstances for all offenders, with particular attention to Aboriginal
offenders, including long‑term Aboriginal offenders. As with all sentencing,
this must be done with regard to the particular individual, the threat they
pose, and their chances of rehabilitation and reintegration. Evaluating these
options lies within the discretion of the sentencing judge. In the case of
long‑term offenders, the paramount consideration is the protection of society.
This applies to all long‑term offenders, including Aboriginal long‑term
offenders who have compromised the management of their risk of reoffending by
breaching a condition of their LTSO.
Once an Aboriginal individual is found to be a long‑term offender, and the
offender has breached one or more conditions of his or her LTSO, alternatives to
a significant prison term will be limited. The alternatives to imprisonment
must be viable and the sentencing judge must be satisfied that they are
consistent with protection of society. Alternatives may include returning
Aboriginal offenders to their communities. However, as in all cases, this must
be done with protection of the public as the paramount concern; Aboriginal
communities are not a separate category entitled to less protection because the
offender is Aboriginal. Where the breach of a LTSO goes to the control of the
Aboriginal offender in the community, rehabilitation and reintegration into
society will have faltered, if not failed. In such case, the sentencing judge
may have no alternative but to separate the Aboriginal long‑term offender from
society for a significant period of time. Nevertheless, during the period of
incarceration, the Aboriginal status of the long‑term offender should be taken
into account for the purpose of providing appropriate programs that are intended
to rehabilitate the offender so that upon release, the substantial risk of
re‑offending may be controlled.
In this case, it has not been shown that the sentence imposed on the offender I
was demonstrably unfit and the appeal should be dismissed. The sentencing
judge’s findings demonstrate a thorough appreciation of the circumstances. He
properly recognized that protection of the public was the paramount concern in
breaches of LTSOs. As a long‑term offender, I has been found to show a pattern
of repetitive behaviour with a likelihood of causing death or physical or
psychological injury or a likelihood of causing injury, pain or other evil to
other persons in the future through failure to control his sexual impulses. His
alcohol consumption is central to such behaviour.
With respect to the offender L, one year imprisonment was a fit and proper
sentence and the appeal should be dismissed. The sentencing judge did not err
in focussing on protection of society as the paramount consideration in her
sentencing decision. The sentencing judge found that the only way to protect
the community, given L’s high risk of re‑offending sexually and moderate to high
risk of re‑offending violently, was to emphasize the objective of isolation.
She noted that even if L did not commit a substantive offence, his breach was
serious. But this was a case where there was a realistic opportunity for
rehabilitation that was denied L because of a “bureaucratic error”. The
sentencing judge does not appear to have considered that it was this error that
caused L to be sent to a residential halfway house, which apparently tolerates
serious drug abusers and does not provide programs for Aboriginal offenders.
This failure meant that L’s moral blameworthiness was not properly assessed.
Cases Cited
By LeBel J.
Applied: R. v. Gladue, [1999] 1 S.C.R. 688; referred to:
R. v. Wilmott (1966), 58 D.L.R. (2d) 33; R. v. Solowan, 2008 SCC
62, [2008] 3 S.C.R. 309; R. v. Nasogaluak, 2010 SCC 6, [2010] 1 S.C.R.
206; Re B.C. Motor Vehicle Act, [1985] 2 S.C.R. 486; R. v. M.
(C.A.), [1996] 1 S.C.R. 500; R. v. Lyons, [1987] 2 S.C.R. 309; R.
v. L.M., 2008 SCC 31, [2008] 2 S.C.R. 163; R. v. W. (H.P.), 2003 ABCA
131, 18 Alta. L.R. (4th) 20; R. v. Nelson, [2007] O.J. No. 5704 (QL);
R. v. Deacon, 2004 BCCA 78, 193 B.C.A.C. 228; R. v. Laliberte,
2000 SKCA 27, 189 Sask. R. 190; R. v. Wells, 2000 SCC 10, [2000] 1 S.C.R.
207; R. v. Vermette, 2001 MBCA 64, 156 Man. R. (2d) 120; R. v.
Skani, 2002 ABQB 1097, 331 A.R. 50; R. v. Poucette, 1999 ABCA 305,
250 A.R. 55; R. v. Gladue, 1999 ABCA 279, 46 M.V.R. (3d) 183; R. v.
Andres, 2002 SKCA 98, 223 Sask. R. 121; R. v. Collins, 2011 ONCA 182,
277 O.A.C. 88; R. v. Jack, 2008 BCCA 437, 261 B.C.A.C. 245; R. v.
Carrière (2002) 164 C.C.C. (3d) 569; R. v. Kakekagamick (2006), 214
O.A.C. 127; R. v. Jensen (2005), 196 O.A.C. 119; R. v. Abraham,
2000 ABCA 159, 261 A.R. 192.
By Rothstein J.
(dissenting in part)
Referred to: R. v. W. (H.P.), 2003 ABCA 131, 18 Alta. L.R. (4th)
20; R. v. Gladue, [1999] 1 S.C.R. 688; R. v. M. (C.A.), [1996] 1
S.C.R. 500; R. v. Nasogaluak, 2010 SCC 6, [2010] 1 S.C.R. 206.
Statutes and Regulations Cited
Act to amend the Criminal Code, S.C. 1947,
c. 55, s. 18.
Act to amend the Criminal Code (high risk
offenders), the Corrections and Conditional Release Act, the Criminal Records
Act, the Prisons and Reformatories Act and the Department of the Solicitor
General Act, S.C. 1997, c. 17.
Act to amend the Criminal Code (sentencing) and
other Acts in consequence thereof, S.C. 1995 c. 22, s. 718.
Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms,
ss. 7, 12.
Corrections and Conditional Release Act,
S.C. 1992, c. 20, ss. 3, 4, 100, 101, 134.1, 134.2, 135.1(1).
Corrections and Conditional Release
Regulations, SOR/92‑620, r. 161(1).
Criminal Code, R.S.C. 1985, c. C‑46, Part
XXIII, ss. 718, 718.1, 718.2, Part XXIV, 753.1, 753.2(1), 753.3(1).
Criminal Law Amendment Act, 1977, S.C. 1977,
c. 53, s. 14.
Authors Cited
Brodeur, Jean‑Paul. “On the Sentencing of
Aboriginal Offenders: A Reaction to Stenning and Roberts” (2002), 65 Sask.
L. Rev. 45.
Canada. Department of Justice. Strategies for
Managing High‑Risk Offenders: Report of the Federal/Provincial/Territorial Task
Force on High‑Risk Violent Offenders. Ottawa: Department of Justice
Canada, 1995.
Canada. House of Commons. House of Commons
Debates, vol. 133, 1st Sess., 35th Parl., September 20, 1994, p. 5876.
Canada. House of Commons. Minutes of
Proceedings and Evidence of the Standing Committee on Justice and Legal
Affairs, No. 62, 1st Sess., 35th Parl., November 17, 1994, p. 15.
Canada. Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples.
Bridging the Cultural Divide: A Report on Aboriginal People and Criminal
Justice in Canada. Ottawa: The Commission, 1996.
Canada. Royal Commission to Investigate the Penal System of
Canada. Report of the Royal Commission to Investigate the Penal System of
Canada. (Archambault Commission). Ottawa: King’s Printer, 1938.
Carter, Mark. “Of Fairness and Faulkner” (2002),
65 Sask. L. Rev. 63.
Jackson, Michael. “Locking Up Natives in Canada”
(1988‑1989), 23 U.B.C. L. Rev. 215.
Manitoba. Public Inquiry into the Administration of Justice and
Aboriginal People. Report of the Aboriginal Justice Inquiry of Manitoba,
vol. 1, The Justice System and Aboriginal People. Winnipeg: Public
Inquiry into the Administration of Justice and Aboriginal People, 1991.
Pelletier, Renée. “The Nullification of Section 718.2(e):
Aggravating Aboriginal Over‑representation in Canadian Prisons” (2001), 39
Osgoode Hall L.J. 469.
Quigley, Tim. “Some Issues in Sentencing of Aboriginal
Offenders”, in Richard Gosse, James Youngblood Henderson and Roger Carter, eds.,
Continuing Poundmaker and Riel’s Quest: Presentations Made at a Conference
on Aboriginal Peoples and Justice. Saskatoon: Purich Publishing, 1994,
269.
Roach, Kent. “One Step Forward, Two Steps Back: Gladue
at Ten and in the Courts of Appeal” (2008‑2009), 54 Crim. L.Q.
470.
Roberts, Julian V., and Ronald Melchers. “The Incarceration of
Aboriginal Offenders: Trends from 1978 to 2001” (2003), 45 Can. J. Crim.
& Crim. Just. 211.
Rudin, Jonathan. “Aboriginal Over‑representation and R. v.
Gladue: Where We Were, Where We Are and Where We Might Be Going”, in Jamie
Cameron and James Stribopoulos, eds., The Charter and Criminal Justice:
Twenty‑Five Years Later. Markham, Ont.: LexisNexis Canada, 2008, 687.
Rudin, Jonathan. “Addressing Aboriginal Overrepresentation
Post‑Gladue: A Realistic Assessment of How Social Change Occurs”
(2008‑2009), 54 Crim. L.Q. 447.
Rudin, Jonathan, and Kent Roach. “Broken
Promises: A Response to Stenning and Roberts’ ‘Empty Promises’” (2002), 65
Sask. L. Rev. 3.
Stenning, Philip, and Julian V. Roberts. “Empty
Promises: Parliament, the Supreme Court, and the Sentencing of Aboriginal
Offenders” (2001), 64 Sask. L. Rev. 137.
APPEAL from a judgment of the Ontario Court of Appeal (Laskin, Sharpe and
Cronk JJ.A.), 2009 ONCA 892, 99 O.R. (3d) 419, 264 O.A.C. 392, [2009] O.J.
No. 5402 (QL), 2009 CarswellOnt 7783, affirming a decision of Megginson J., 2009
CarswellOnt 7864. Appeal allowed, Rothstein J. dissenting.
APPEAL from a judgment of the British Columbia Court of Appeal (Levine,
Chiasson and Bennett JJ.A.), 2011 BCCA 101, 302 B.C.A.C. 93, 511 W.A.C. 93, 271
C.C.C. (3d) 90, [2011] 2 C.N.L.R. 277, [2011] B.C.J. No. 366 (QL), 2011
CarswellBC 428, reversing a decision of Bagnall Prov. Ct. J., 2010 BCPC 410,
[2010] B.C.J. No. 2824 (QL), 2010 CarswellBC 3822. Appeal dismissed.
Fergus J. (Chip)
O’Connor, for the appellant Manasie
Ipeelee.
Gillian E. Roberts, for the respondent Her Majesty the
Queen.
Susanne Boucher and François Lacasse, for the intervener
the Director of Public Prosecutions.
Jonathan Rudin and Amanda
Driscoll, for the intervener the
Aboriginal Legal Services of Toronto Inc.
Mary T. Ainslie, for the appellant Her Majesty the
Queen.
Hovan M. Patey, Laurence D. Myers, Q.C.,
and Kristy L. Neurauter, for the respondent Frank Ralph Ladue.
Written submissions
only by Kent Roach and
Kelly Doctor, for the intervener the British Columbia Civil
Liberties Association.
Written submissions
only by Clayton C. Ruby, Nader R.
Hasan and Gerald J. Chan, for the intervener the Canadian Civil Liberties
Association.
The judgment of McLachlin C.J. and Binnie, LeBel,
Deschamps, Fish and Abella JJ. was delivered by
LeBel J.
—
I. Introduction
[1] These
two appeals raise the issue of the principles governing the sentencing of
Aboriginal offenders for breaches of long-term supervision orders (“LTSO”). Both
appeals concern Aboriginal offenders with long criminal records. They provide an
opportunity to revisit and reaffirm the judgment of this Court in R. v.
Gladue, [1999] 1 S.C.R. 688. I propose to allow the offender’s appeal in
Ipeelee and to dismiss the Crown’s appeal in Ladue.
II. Manasie Ipeelee
A. Background and Criminal History
[2] Mr.
Manasie Ipeelee is an Inuk man who was born and raised in Iqaluit, Nunavut. His
life story is far removed from the experience of most Canadians. His mother was
an alcoholic. She froze to death when Manasie Ipeelee was five years old. He was
raised by his maternal grandmother and grandfather, both of whom are now
deceased. Mr. Ipeelee began consuming alcohol when he was 11 years old and
quickly developed a serious alcohol addiction. He dropped out of school shortly
thereafter. His involvement with the criminal justice system began in 1985, when
he was only 12 years old.
[3] Mr.
Ipeelee is presently 39 years old. He has spent a significant proportion of his
life in custody or under some form of community supervision. His youth record
contains approximately three dozen convictions. The majority of those offences
were property-related, including breaking and entering, theft, and taking a
vehicle without consent (joyriding). There were also convictions for failure to
comply with an undertaking, breach of probation, and being unlawfully at large.
Mr. Ipeelee’s adult record contains another 24 convictions, many of which are
for similar types of offences. He has also committed violent crimes. His record
includes two convictions for assault causing bodily harm and one conviction each
for aggravated assault, sexual assault, and sexual assault causing bodily harm.
I will describe these offences in greater detail, as they provided the basis for
his eventual designation as a long-term offender.
[4] In
December 1992, Mr. Ipeelee pleaded guilty to assault causing bodily harm. He and
a friend assaulted a man who was refusing them entry to his home. Mr. Ipeelee
was intoxicated at the time. During the fight, he hit the victim over the head
with an ashtray and with a chair. He was sentenced to 21 days’ imprisonment and
one year probation.
[5] In
December 1993, Mr. Ipeelee again pleaded guilty to assault causing bodily harm.
The incident took place outside a bar in Iqaluit and both Mr. Ipeelee and the
victim were intoxicated. Witnesses saw Mr. Ipeelee kicking the victim in the
face at least ten times, and the assault continued after the victim lost
consciousness. The victim was hospitalized for his injuries. At the time of the
offence, Mr. Ipeelee was on probation. He received a sentence of five months’
imprisonment.
[6] In
November 1994, Mr. Ipeelee pleaded guilty to aggravated assault. The incident
involved another altercation outside the same bar in Iqaluit. Once more, both
Mr. Ipeelee and the victim were intoxicated. During the fight, Mr. Ipeelee hit
and kicked the victim. After the victim lost consciousness, Mr. Ipeelee
continued to hit him and stomp on his face. The victim suffered a broken jaw and
had to be sent to Montréal for treatment. Mr. Ipeelee was once again on
probation at the time of the offence. He was sentenced to 14 months’
imprisonment.
[7] Mr.
Ipeelee received an early release from that sentence in the fall of 1995.
Approximately three weeks later, while still technically serving his sentence,
he committed a sexual assault. The female victim had been drinking in her
apartment in Iqaluit with Mr. Ipeelee and others, and was passed out from
intoxication. Witnesses observed Mr. Ipeelee and another man carrying the victim
into her room. Mr. Ipeelee was later seen having sex with the unconscious woman
on her bed. Mr. Ipeelee was sentenced to two years’ imprisonment. He remained in
custody until his warrant expiry date in February 1999, as Corrections Canada
officials deemed him to be a high risk to reoffend.
[8] After
serving his sentence, Mr. Ipeelee moved to Yellowknife. He began drinking within
one half-hour of his arrival and was arrested for public intoxication that
evening, and again 24 hours later. In the six months leading up to his next
conviction, he was arrested at least nine more times for public intoxication.
[9] On
August 21, 1999 Mr. Ipeelee committed another sexual assault, this one causing
bodily harm, which led to his designation as a long-term offender. Mr. Ipeelee,
while intoxicated, entered an abandoned van that homeless persons frequented.
Inside, a 50-year-old woman was sleeping. She awoke to find Mr. Ipeelee removing
her pants. She struggled and Mr. Ipeelee began punching her in the face. When
she called out for help, he told her to shut up or he would kill her. He then
sexually assaulted her. The victim was finally able to escape when Mr. Ipeelee
fell asleep. He was arrested and the victim was taken to the hospital to be
treated for her injuries.
[10] At the
sentencing hearing for this offence, Richard J. of the Northwest Territories
Supreme Court noted that Mr. Ipeelee’s criminal record “shows a consistent
pattern of Mr. Ipeelee administering gratuitous violence against vulnerable,
helpless people while he is in a state of intoxication” (R. v. Ipeelee,
2001 NWTSC 33, [2001] N.W.T.J. No. 30 (QL), at para. 34). The expert evidence
produced at the sentencing hearing indicated that Mr. Ipeelee did not suffer
from any major mental illness and had average to above average intelligence.
However, he was diagnosed as having both an antisocial personality disorder and
a severe alcohol abuse disorder. The expert evidence also indicated that Mr.
Ipeelee presented a high-moderate to high risk for violent reoffence, and a
high-moderate risk for sexual reoffence. After evaluating all of the evidence,
Richard J. concluded that there was a substantial risk that Mr. Ipeelee would
reoffend and designated him a long-term offender under s. 753.1(1) of the
Criminal Code, R.S.C. 1985, c. C-46. Mr. Ipeelee was sentenced to six
years’ imprisonment for the sexual assault, to be followed by a ten-year LTSO.
B. The Current Offence
[11] Mr. Ipeelee
was detained until his warrant expiry date for the 1999 sexual assault causing
bodily harm. His LTSO came into effect on March 14, 2007 when he was released
from Kingston Penitentiary to the Portsmouth Community Correctional Centre in
Kingston. One of the conditions of Mr. Ipeelee’s LTSO is that he abstain from
using alcohol.
[12] Mr.
Ipeelee’s LTSO was suspended on four occasions: from June 13 to July 5, 2007 for
deteriorating performance and behaviour, and attitude problems; from July 23 to
September 14, 2007 for sleeping in the living room and the kitchen, contrary to
house rules; from September 24 to October 24, 2007 for being agitated and
noncompliant, and for refusing urinalysis; and from October 25, 2007 to May 20,
2008 as a result of a fraud charge being laid against him (the charge was
subsequently withdrawn). Mr. Ipeelee served those periods of suspension at the
Kingston Penitentiary.
[13] On August
20, 2008, the police found Mr. Ipeelee riding his bicycle erratically in
downtown Kingston. He was obviously intoxicated and had two bottles of alcohol
in his possession. He was charged with breaching a condition of his LTSO,
contrary to s. 753.3(1) of the Criminal Code. Mr. Ipeelee pleaded guilty
to that offence on November 14, 2008.
C. Judicial History
1. Ontario Court of Justice, 2009
CarswellOnt 7864
[14] On February
24, 2009, Megginson J. of the Ontario Court of Justice sentenced Mr. Ipeelee to
three years’ imprisonment, less six months of pre-sentence custody at a 1:1
credit rate. He emphasized the serious nature of the offence, stating:
On its facts, this was a
serious and not at all trivial breach of a very fundamental condition of the
offender’s [LTSO]. It is a very central and essential condition, because alcohol
abuse was involved, not only in the “predicate” offence, but also in most of the
offences on the offender’s criminal record. On his history, Mr. Ipeelee becomes
violent when he abuses alcohol, and he was assessed as posing a significant risk
of re-offending sexually. Defence counsel argued that the facts of the present
breach disclose no movement toward committing another sexual offence, but I
think that is beside the point. [para. 10]
[15] Megginson
J. held that, when sentencing an offender for breach of an LTSO, the paramount
consideration is the protection of the public and rehabilitation plays only a
small role. With that in mind, he addressed the requirement imposed by s.
718.2(e) of the Criminal Code that he consider Mr. Ipeelee’s
unique circumstances as an Aboriginal offender. He began by noting that Mr.
Ipeelee’s Aboriginal status had already been considered during sentencing for
the 1999 offence giving rise to the LTSO. He went on to conclude that, when
protection of the public is the paramount concern, an offender’s Aboriginal
status is of “diminished importance” (para. 15).
2. Ontario Court of Appeal, 2009 ONCA 892,
99 O.R. (3d) 419
[16] Mr. Ipeelee
appealed his sentence on the grounds that it was demonstrably unfit, and that
the sentencing judge did not give adequate consideration to his circumstances as
an Aboriginal offender. The Court of Appeal dismissed the appeal.
[17] Sharpe
J.A., writing for the court, was not convinced that the sentence was
demonstrably unfit. He agreed with the sentencing judge’s characterization of
the offence as a serious breach of a vital condition of the LTSO. Sharpe J.A.
found that, despite the sentencing judge’s comments, Mr. Ipeelee’s Aboriginal
status had not factored into the sentencing decision. He did not, however, think
this was an error (para. 13):
It is not at all clear to me,
however, that in the circumstances of this case, consideration of his aboriginal
status should lead to a reduction in his sentence for breach of the long-term
offender condition. The appellant’s commission of violent offences and the risk
he poses for re-offending when under the influence of alcohol make the
principles of denunciation, deterrence and protection of the public paramount.
This is one of those cases where “the appropriate sentence will ... not differ
as between aboriginal and non-aboriginal offenders”: R. v. Carrière …
(2002), 164 C.C.C. (3d) 569 ([Ont.] C.A.), at para. 17. As the appellant has
been declared a long-term offender, “consideration of restorative justice and
other features of aboriginal offender sentencing ... play little or no role”:
R. v. W. (H.P.) (2003), A.J. No. 479, 327 A.R. 170 (C.A.), at para. 50.
[18] Sharpe J.A.
did concede that Mr. Ipeelee’s Aboriginal background and the disadvantages he
had suffered provided some insight into his repeated involvement with the
criminal justice system. He concluded, however, that these considerations should
not affect the sentence. He ended his reasons with a plea to correctional
authorities to make every effort to provide Mr. Ipeelee with appropriate
Aboriginal-oriented assistance.
III. Frank Ralph Ladue
A. Background and Criminal History
[19] Mr. Frank
Ralph Ladue, now 49 years old, is a member of the Ross River Dena Council Band,
a small community of approximately 500 people located 400 kilometres north-east
of Whitehorse in the Yukon Territory. Mr. Ladue’s parents had severe alcohol
abuse problems, so he was raised by his grandparents. His mother and father both
died when Mr. Ladue was still very young, and records indicate that his mother
may have been murdered. When Mr. Ladue was five years old, he was removed from
his community and sent to residential school, where he alleges he suffered
serious physical, sexual, emotional and spiritual abuse.
[20] When Mr.
Ladue was nine years old, he returned to Ross River to resume living with his
grandparents. The effects of his residential school experience were readily
apparent. He could no longer speak his traditional language, having been
forbidden to do so in residential school. Unable to communicate his painful
experiences to his family, he began drinking and acting out. Before long, he was
living with foster families and spending time in juvenile detention. Mr. Ladue
continued to drink heavily throughout his life (with the exception of a six-year
period of sobriety in the 1990s which coincided with a period free from criminal
convictions). Mr. Ladue also began using heroin, cocaine and morphine while in a
federal penitentiary.
[21] Mr. Ladue’s
life experiences may seem foreign to most Canadians, but they are all too common
in Ross River. The community suffered a number of abuses in the 1940s when the
United States Army was building a pipeline through the region. There were
reports of community members being assaulted or raped by members of the army.
The community was further traumatized through the residential school experience.
The effects of that collective experience continue to be evident in the high
rates of alcohol abuse and violence in the community.
[22] The first
offence on Mr. Ladue’s criminal record occurred in 1978 when he was 16 years
old. His record lists over 40 convictions since that time, approximately ten of
which were as a young offender. Some of the offences are property-related,
including taking a vehicle without consent, mischief, breaking and entering, and
theft. Mr. Ladue also has a series of alcohol-related offences and convictions
for failure to comply with various court orders. His violent offences include
robbery convictions in 1978 and 1980, and common assault convictions in 1979 and
1982. Mr. Ladue has also been convicted of a number of sexual assaults. These
sexual assaults will be described in some detail, as they ultimately led to his
designation as a long-term offender.
[23] In 1987,
Mr. Ladue entered a woman’s bedroom following a party. He sexually assaulted the
victim while she was either sleeping or passed out from intoxication. In 1997,
Mr. Ladue sexually assaulted another woman who was passed out from intoxication.
When she awoke, the bottom half of her clothing was removed and Mr. Ladue was
sexually assaulting her. Another incident took place in 1998, although it did
not lead to a conviction for sexual assault. Mr. Ladue entered the home of a
woman who was sleeping and placed a sleeping bag over her head and shoulders. He
was interrupted by the woman’s daughter and he fled the residence. Mr. Ladue’s
sentences for these convictions ranged from four months’ imprisonment (for the
1998 offence) to 30 months’ imprisonment.
[24] Mr. Ladue
committed the offence giving rise to his LTSO on October 6, 2002. On that date,
he entered a dwelling house without permission from the occupants. The
22-year-old victim had passed out from alcohol consumption and was lying in the
living room. She awoke to find Mr. Ladue touching her breasts over her clothing
and attempting to unbutton her pants. She was unable to resist due to her state
of intoxication. Fortunately, other residents of the house were awakened by what
was going on and Mr. Ladue fled from the home. Mr. Ladue was convicted of
breaking and entering and sexual assault.
[25] At the
sentencing hearing (2003 YKTC 100 (CanLII)), Faulkner J. of the Yukon
Territorial Court noted the similarity surrounding the circumstances of each
sexual assault. The psychological assessment prepared for the court indicated
that Mr. Ladue was incapable of refraining from the use of alcohol and was
unable to control his sexual impulses. He was also diagnosed as a sexual sadist
and as having an anti-social personality disorder. Faulkner J. nevertheless
concluded that there was some prospect for eventual management in the community,
given Mr. Ladue’s lengthy period of successful sobriety in the 1990s, which
coincided with a period free from criminal activity. Defence counsel conceded
that the requirements of s. 753.1 of the Criminal Code were met, and Mr.
Ladue was designated as a long-term offender. Faulkner J. sentenced Mr. Ladue to
three years’ imprisonment for breaking and entering and committing sexual
assault, after taking into account the 14 months he had spent in custody prior
to sentencing. He also imposed a seven-year LTSO.
B. The Current Offence
[26] Mr. Ladue’s
LTSO began on December 1, 2006 when he was released from prison for the 2002
offence giving rise to the LTSO. The LTSO has been suspended on numerous
occasions. In addition, Mr. Ladue’s criminal record includes two previous
convictions for breaching a condition of the LTSO. On June 5, 2007, he was
convicted of two counts of breaching the condition in the LTSO that he abstain
from intoxicants. He received concurrent six-month sentences of imprisonment
with credit for 4.5 months of pre-sentence custody. On June 19, 2008 he was
convicted of breaching the same condition and was sentenced to one day of
imprisonment after being credited for one year of pre-sentence custody.
[27] On August
12, 2009, Mr. Ladue was released from prison following a suspension of his LTSO.
He was supposed to be released to Linkage House in Kamloops, British Columbia
where he anticipated receiving considerable culturally relevant support from an
Aboriginal Elder. Instead, Mr. Ladue was arrested at the prison gate on an
outstanding DNA warrant. The warrant had been ordered months earlier but, as a
result of an administrative error by Crown officials, it was not executed during
Mr. Ladue’s period of detention. Furthermore, the warrant may have been
superfluous as it appears Mr. Ladue had already provided his DNA under a
previous warrant. Mr. Ladue was detained until the warrant was executed and, as
a result of that delay, he lost his placement at Linkage House. Instead, he was
released to Belkin House in downtown Vancouver, despite his concerns over the
propriety of the placement due to the accessibility of drugs both in the
residence and in the neighbourhood. Once at Belkin House, Mr. Ladue began
associating with another offender who was a known drug user. Mr. Ladue was asked
to provide a urine sample on August 19. On August 24, he advised the staff that
the urinalysis would come back positive for cocaine, which it did. Mr. Ladue
provided a second urine sample on August 27, which also returned positive for
cocaine. He was charged with breaching a condition of his LTSO, contrary to s.
753.3(1) of the Criminal Code and pleaded guilty to that offence on
February 10, 2010.
C. Judicial History
1. Provincial Court of British Columbia,
2010 BCPC 410 (CanLII)
[28] At the
sentencing hearing, the Crown requested a sentence in the range of 18 months to
two years. Bagnall Prov. Ct. J. concluded that this range was inadequate in the
circumstances. She emphasized the serious nature of the offence:
Once released from custody, even under close supervision,
Mr. Ladue’s pattern is to relapse very quickly back into drug or alcohol use. He
cannot be managed, nor can he manage himself in the community at the present
time. The harm that is likely for another member of the community, or members of
the community, if Mr. Ladue consumes intoxicants is very serious. This can be
seen from the history that I have detailed. [para. 31]
Bagnall Prov. Ct. J. therefore held that
isolation was the most important sentencing objective in the circumstances and
imposed a three-year term of imprisonment, less five months of pre-sentence
custody at a 1.5:1 credit rate. Bagnall Prov. Ct. J. referred to the tragic
aspects of Mr. Ladue’s history, but apparently concluded that they should not
impact on his sentence.
2. Court of Appeal for British Columbia,
2011 BCCA 101, 302 B.C.A.C. 93
[29] Mr. Ladue
appealed his sentence on the grounds that the sentencing judge failed to
adequately consider his circumstances as an Aboriginal offender, and that the
ultimate sentence was unfit. The majority of the Court of Appeal allowed his
appeal and reduced the sentence to one year’s imprisonment. Chiasson J.A.,
dissenting, would have allowed the appeal and imposed a two-year sentence.
[30] Bennett
J.A., writing for the majority, began by reviewing the principles and objectives
of sentencing set out in the Criminal Code. She discussed, in detail,
s. 718.2(e) of the Code and this Court’s decision in
Gladue. Bennett J.A. concluded that, although the sentencing judge was
alive to Mr. Ladue’s unique circumstances as an Aboriginal offender, she did not
give any tangible consideration to those circumstances in determining the
appropriate sentence. As a result, the sentencing judge had overemphasized the
objective of isolation of the offender at the expense of rehabilitation and
failed to meet the requirements of s. 718.2(e): “If effect is to be given
to Parliament’s direction in s. 718.2(e), then there must be more than a
reference to the provision. It must be given substantive weight, which will
often impact the length and type of sentence imposed” (para. 64).
[31] Bennett
J.A. concluded that a three-year sentence was not proportionate to the gravity
of the offence and the degree of responsibility of the offender, especially
considering Mr. Ladue’s background and how he came to be at Belkin House. At
para. 63, she states:
Mr. Ladue desires to succeed, as exhibited by his request
not to be sent to Belkin House. However, he is addicted to drugs and alcohol,
which can directly be related to how he was treated as an Aboriginal person. He
has not reoffended in a manner which threatens the safety of the public. He will
ultimately be released into the community without supervision. Unless he can
manage his alcohol and drug addiction in the community he will very likely be a
threat to the public. Repeated efforts at abstinence are not unusual for those
dealing with addiction. Indeed, Mr. Ladue demonstrated that he is capable of
abstinence as shown by his conduct a number of years ago.
Bennett J.A. therefore reduced the sentence
to one year’s imprisonment.
[32] Chiasson
J.A. would have allowed the appeal and reduced the sentence to two years’
imprisonment. He did not agree with the majority that the sentencing judge had
erred in her consideration of Mr. Ladue’s Aboriginal circumstances. However, in
Chiasson J.A.’s view, the sentencing judge had been wrong in failing to consider
that the present breach did not place Mr. Ladue on the path to reoffending. In
Chiasson J.A.’s view, a sentence of two years was a sufficient step-up from
Mr. Ladue’s previous sentence to reflect the severity of the offence. Imposing a
sentence of three years, on the other hand, would risk placing Mr. Ladue beyond
hope of redemption.
IV. Issues
[33] These two
appeals raise issues concerning the application of the principles and objectives
of sentencing set out in Part XXIII of the Criminal Code. Specifically,
the Court must determine the principles governing the sentencing of Aboriginal
offenders, including the proper interpretation and application of this Court’s
judgment in Gladue, and the application of those principles to the breach
of an LTSO. Finally, given those principles, the Court must determine whether
either of the decisions under appeal contain an error in principle or impose an
unfit sentence warranting appellate intervention.
V. Analysis
A. The Principles of Sentencing
[34] The central
issue in these appeals is how to determine a fit sentence for a breach of an
LTSO in the case of an Aboriginal offender. In particular, the Court must
address whether, and how, the Gladue principles apply to these sentencing
decisions. But first, it is important to review the principles that guide
sentencing under Canadian law generally.
[35] In 1996,
Parliament amended the Criminal Code to specifically codify the
objectives and principles of sentencing (An Act to amend the Criminal Code
(sentencing) and other Acts in consequence thereof, S.C. 1995 c. 22 (Bill
C-41)). According to s. 718, the fundamental purpose of sentencing is to
contribute to “respect for the law and the maintenance of a just, peaceful and
safe society”. This is accomplished by imposing “just sanctions” that reflect
one or more of the traditional sentencing objectives: denunciation, general and
specific deterrence, separation of offenders, rehabilitation, reparation to
victims, and promoting a sense of responsibility in offenders and
acknowledgement of the harm done to victims and to the community.
[36] The
Criminal Code goes on to list a number of principles to guide sentencing
judges. The fundamental principle of sentencing is that the sentence must be
proportionate to both the gravity of the offence and the degree of
responsibility of the offender. As this Court has previously indicated, this
principle was not borne out of the 1996 amendments to the Code but,
instead, has long been a central tenet of the sentencing process (see e.g. R.
v. Wilmott (1966), 58 D.L.R. (2d) 33 (Ont. C.A.), and, more recently, R.
v. Solowan, 2008 SCC 62, [2008] 3 S.C.R. 309, at para. 12, and R. v.
Nasogaluak, 2010 SCC 6, [2010] 1 S.C.R. 206, at paras. 40-42). It also has a
constitutional dimension, in that s. 12 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and
Freedoms forbids the imposition of a grossly disproportionate sentence that
would outrage society’s standards of decency. In a similar vein, proportionality
in sentencing could aptly be described as a principle of fundamental justice
under s. 7 of the Charter.
[37] The
fundamental principle of sentencing (i.e., proportionality) is intimately tied
to the fundamental purpose of sentencing — the maintenance of a just, peaceful
and safe society through the imposition of just sanctions. Whatever weight a
judge may wish to accord to the various objectives and other principles listed
in the Code, the resulting sentence must respect the fundamental
principle of proportionality. Proportionality is the sine qua non of a
just sanction. First, the principle ensures that a sentence reflects the gravity
of the offence. This is closely tied to the objective of denunciation. It
promotes justice for victims and ensures public confidence in the justice
system. As Wilson J. expressed in her concurring judgment in Re B.C. Motor
Vehicle Act, [1985] 2 S.C.R. 486, at p. 533:
It is basic to any theory of
punishment that the sentence imposed bear some relationship to the offence; it
must be a “fit” sentence proportionate to the seriousness of the offence. Only
if this is so can the public be satisfied that the offender “deserved” the
punishment he received and feel a confidence in the fairness and rationality of
the system.
Second, the principle of proportionality
ensures that a sentence does not exceed what is appropriate, given the moral
blameworthiness of the offender. In this sense, the principle serves a limiting
or restraining function and ensures justice for the offender. In the Canadian
criminal justice system, a just sanction is one that reflects both perspectives
on proportionality and does not elevate one at the expense of the other.
[38] Despite the
constraints imposed by the principle of proportionality, trial judges enjoy a
broad discretion in the sentencing process. The determination of a fit sentence
is, subject to any specific statutory rules that have survived Charter
scrutiny, a highly individualized process. Sentencing judges must have
sufficient manoeuvrability to tailor sentences to the circumstances of the
particular offence and the particular offender. Appellate courts have recognized
the scope of this discretion and granted considerable deference to a judge’s
choice of sentence. As Lamer C.J. stated in R. v. M. (C.A.), [1996] 1
S.C.R. 500, at para. 90:
Put simply, absent an error
in principle, failure to consider a relevant factor, or an overemphasis of the
appropriate factors, a court of appeal should only intervene to vary a sentence
imposed at trial if the sentence is demonstrably unfit. Parliament explicitly
vested sentencing judges with a discretion to determine the appropriate
degree and kind of punishment under the Criminal Code. [Emphasis in
original.]
[39] There are
limits, however, to the deference that will be afforded to a trial judge.
Appellate courts have a duty to ensure that courts properly apply the legal
principles governing sentencing. In every case, an appellate court must be
satisfied that the sentence under review is proportionate to both the gravity of
the offence and the degree of responsibility of the offender. I
will now turn to an assessment of these factors as they pertain to the present
appeals.
B. The Offence — Sentencing for Breach of a
Long-Term Supervision Order
[40] These two
appeals involve persons designated as long-term offenders who are charged with
breaching a condition of their LTSO. This is the first time the Court has had
the opportunity to discuss this particular offence. In order to weigh the
various principles and objectives of sentencing and reach a conclusion regarding
a fit sentence, it is important to understand the long-term offender regime.
[41] Part XXIV
of the Criminal Code sets out the process for designating offenders as
either dangerous or long-term offenders. Special provisions to deal with the
unique circumstances of habitual repeat offenders have existed in Canada since
the first half of the twentieth century. In 1938, the Archambault Commission
recommended that legislation be enacted to provide for the indeterminate
detention of hardened criminals (Report of the Royal Commission to
Investigate the Penal System in Canada). The purpose of this detention,
according to the Commission, was to be “neither punitive nor reformative but
primarily segregation from society” (cited in R. v. Lyons, [1987] 2
S.C.R. 309, at pp. 321-22).
[42] In 1947,
Canada acted on the recommendations of the Archambault Commission and introduced
its first piece of legislation authorizing the indeterminate detention of
“habitual criminal[s]” (An Act to amend the Criminal Code, S.C.
1947, c. 55, s. 18). Amendments made in 1977 narrowed the scope of the provision
to specifically target “dangerous offender[s]” — those convicted of serious
personal injury offences (Criminal Law Amendment Act, 1977, S.C. 1977, C.
53, s. 14). La Forest J. described the rationale of the legislation in
Lyons, at p. 329:
It is thus important to
recognize the precise nature of the penological objectives embodied in Part XXI
[now Part XXIV]. It is clear that the indeterminate detention is intended to
serve both punitive and preventive purposes. Both are legitimate aims of the
criminal sanction. Indeed, when society incarcerates a robber for, say, ten
years, it is clear that its goal is both to punish the person and prevent the
recurrence of such conduct during that period. Preventive detention in the
context of Part XXI, however, simply represents a judgment that the relative
importance of the objectives of rehabilitation, deterrence and retribution are
greatly attenuated in the circumstances of the individual case, and that of
prevention, correspondingly increased. Part XXI merely enables the court to
accommodate its sentence to the common sense reality that the present
condition of the offender is such that he or she is not inhibited by normal
standards of behavioural restraint so that future violent acts can quite
confidently be expected of that person. In such circumstances it would be folly
not to tailor the sentence accordingly. [Emphasis in original.]
[43] The
rationale for the dangerous offender designation can be contrasted with that of
the long-term offender provisions, which were not introduced to the Criminal
Code until 1997. That year, extensive amendments were made to Part XXIV of
the Criminal Code by Bill C-55 (An Act to amend the Criminal Code
(high risk offenders), the Corrections and Conditional Release Act, the Criminal
Records Act, the Prisons and Reformatories Act and the Department of the
Solicitor General Act, S.C. 1997, c. 17). These amendments, following the
recommendations of the Federal/Provincial/Territorial Task Force on High-Risk
Violent Offenders (the “Task Force”), introduced the long-term offender
designation and the availability of LTSOs. The Task Force noted that a lacuna
existed in the law whereby serious offenders were denied the support of extended
community supervision, except through the parole process. LTSOs were designed to
fill this gap and supplement the all-or-nothing alternatives of definite or
indefinite detention (Report of the Federal/Provincial/Territorial Task Force on
High-Risk Violent Offenders, Strategies for Managing High-Risk Offenders
(1995)).
[44] Section
753.1(1) of the Criminal Code now directs when a court may designate an
offender as a long-term offender. The section states:
753.1 (1) The
court may, on application made under this Part following the filing of an
assessment report under subsection 752.1(2), find an offender to be a long-term
offender if it is satisfied that
(a) it would
be appropriate to impose a sentence of imprisonment of two years or more for the
offence for which the offender has been convicted;
(b) there is
a substantial risk that the offender will reoffend; and
(c) there is a
reasonable possibility of eventual control of the risk in the community.
If the court finds an offender to be a
long-term offender, it must impose a sentence of two years or more for the
predicate offence and order that the offender be subject to long-term
supervision for a period not exceeding ten years (Criminal Code,
s. 753.1(3)).
[45] LTSOs are
administered in accordance with the Corrections and Conditional Release
Act, S.C. 1992, c. 20 (“CCRA”). LTSOs must include the conditions set
out in r. 161(1) of the Corrections and Conditional Release Regulations,
SOR/92-620. In addition, the National Parole Board (NPB) may include any other
condition “that it considers reasonable and necessary in order to protect
society and to facilitate the successful reintegration into society of the
offender” (CCRA, s. 134.1(2)). A member of the NPB may suspend an LTSO
when an offender breaches any of the LTSO conditions, or where the NPB is
satisfied that suspension is necessary and reasonable to prevent such a breach
or to protect society (CCRA, s. 135.1(1)). Offenders serve the duration
of the period of suspension in a federal penitentiary. Failure or refusal to
comply with an LTSO is also an indictable offence under s. 753.3(1) of the
Criminal Code, punishable by up to ten years’ imprisonment.
[46] According
to the CCRA, “[t]he purpose of conditional release is to contribute to
the maintenance of a just, peaceful and safe society by means of decisions on
the timing and conditions of release that will best facilitate the
rehabilitation of offenders and their reintegration into the community as
law-abiding citizens” (CCRA, s. 100). The CCRA also sets out a
number of principles that shall guide the NPB in achieving the purpose of
conditional release. These include, inter alia, “that the protection of
society be the paramount consideration in the determination of any case” and
“that parole boards make the least restrictive determination consistent with the
protection of society” (CCRA, ss. 101(a) and 101(d)). These
principles are intended to guide the NPB in its decision making, whereas courts
must adhere to the principles set out in the Criminal Code when
sentencing for breach of an LTSO.
[47] The
legislative purpose of an LTSO, a form of conditional release governed by the
CCRA, is therefore to contribute to the maintenance of a just, peaceful
and safe society by facilitating the rehabilitation and reintegration of
long-term offenders. This direction is consistent with this Court’s discussion
at para. 42 of R. v. L.M., 2008 SCC 31, [2008] 2 S.C.R. 163, on the
distinction between the dangerous offender designation (which does not include a
period of conditional release) and the long-term offender designation.
Although they both contribute
to assuring public safety, the dangerous offender and long-term offender
designations have different objectives. Unlike a dangerous offender (s.
753 Cr. C.), who will continue to be deprived of liberty, since such
offenders are kept in prison to separate them from society (s. 718.1), a
long-term offender serves a sentence of imprisonment of two years or more
and is then subject to an order of supervision in the community for a period not
exceeding 10 years for the purpose of assisting in his or her rehabilitation (s.
753.1(3) Cr. C.). This measure, which is less restrictive than the
indeterminate period of incarceration that applies to dangerous offenders,
protects society and is at the same time consistent with [translation] “the principles of
proportionality and moderation in the recourse to sentences involving a
deprivation of liberty” (Dadour, at p. 228). [Emphasis in original.]
[48] Reading the
Criminal Code, the CCRA and the applicable jurisprudence together,
we can therefore identify two specific objectives of long-term supervision as a
form of conditional release: (1) protecting the public from the risk of re
offence, and (2) rehabilitating the offender and reintegrating him or her into
the community. The latter objective may properly be described as the ultimate
purpose of an LTSO, as indicated by s. 100 of the CCRA, though it is
inextricably entwined with the former. Unfortunately, provincial and appellate
courts have tended to emphasize the protection of the public at the expense of
the rehabilitation of offenders. This, in turn, has affected their
determinations of what is a fit sentence for breaching a condition of an
LTSO.
[49] R. v. W.
(H.P.), 2003 ABCA 131, 18 Alta. L.R. (4th) 20, is the leading appellate
court decision to consider the matter. In that case, the Alberta Court of Appeal
canvassed the purpose of the long-term offender regime and how it bears on the
sentencing process for breach of an LTSO. Ritter J.A. summarized the view of the
court, at para. 46, stating:
Because the protection of
society is the paramount goal when sentencing an offender who has breached a
condition of his long-term supervision order, sentencing principles respecting
specific and general deterrence together with separation of the offender from
the community are called into play. Rehabilitation has a limited role to play as
the status of long-term offender is such that rehabilitation has already been
determined to be extremely difficult or impossible to achieve.
Subsequent provincial and appellate court
cases have generally adhered to this approach. For example, in R. v.
Nelson, [2007] O.J. No. 5704 (QL), Masse J. of the Ontario Court of Justice
held, at paras. 14 and 21, that “[t]he main consideration in sentencing these
offenders is the protection of the public” and that “significant sentences must
be imposed even for slight breaches of a long-term supervision order”.
[50] The
foregoing characterization of the long-term offender regime is incorrect. The
purpose of an LTSO is two-fold: to protect the public and to rehabilitate
offenders and reintegrate them into the community. In fact, s. 100 of the
CCRA singles out rehabilitation and reintegration as the purpose of
community supervision including LTSOs. As this Court indicated in L.M.,
rehabilitation is the key feature of the long-term offender regime that
distinguishes it from the dangerous offender regime. To suggest, therefore, that
rehabilitation has been determined to be impossible to achieve in the long-term
offender context is simply wrong. Given this context, it would be contrary to
reason to conclude that rehabilitation is not an appropriate sentencing
objective and should therefore play “little or no role” (as stated in W.
(H.P.)), in the sentencing process.
[51] This is not
to say that rehabilitation will always be the foremost consideration when
sentencing for breach of an LTSO. The duty of a sentencing judge is to apply all
of the principles mandated by ss. 718.1 and 718.2 of the Criminal Code in
order to devise a sentence that furthers the overall objectives of sentencing.
The foregoing simply demonstrates that there is nothing in the provisions of the
Criminal Code or the CCRA to suggest that any of those principles
or objectives will not apply to the breach of an LTSO. As with any sentencing
decision, the relative weight to be accorded to each sentencing principle or
objective will vary depending on the circumstances of the particular offence. In
all instances, the sentence must be proportionate to both the gravity of the
offence and the degree of responsibility of the offender.
[52] It would be
imprudent to attempt to determine in the abstract the gravity of the offence of
breaching a condition of an LTSO. The severity of a given breach will ultimately
depend on all of the circumstances, including the nature of the condition
breached, how that condition is tied to managing the particular offender’s risk
of re-offence, and the circumstances of the breach. However, a few comments may
be instructive.
[53] Breach of
an LTSO is an indictable offence punishable by up to ten years’ imprisonment.
This can be contrasted with breach of probation which is a hybrid offence with a
maximum sentence of either 18 months or two years’ imprisonment. In each of the
present appeals, the Crown places significant emphasis on this distinction,
suggesting that the high maximum penalty indicates that breach of an LTSO is a
particularly serious offence warranting a significant sentence. My colleague,
Rothstein J., reiterates this point at para. 123 of his reasons, concluding that
the “necessary implication is that Parliament viewed breaches of LTSOs as posing
such risk to the protection of society that long-term offenders may have to be
separated from society for a significant period of time”.
[54] The lengthy
maximum penalty certainly indicates that Parliament views the breach of an LTSO
differently (and more seriously) than the breach of a probation order. However,
it would be too much to suggest that the mere existence of a high statutory
maximum penalty dictates that a significant period of imprisonment should be
imposed for any breach of an LTSO. Breaches can occur in an infinite variety of
circumstances. Parliament did not see fit to impose a mandatory minimum
sentence. Where no minimum sentence is mandated by the Criminal Code, the
entire range of sentencing options is open to a sentencing judge, including
non-carceral sentences where appropriate. In its recommendations, the Task Force
specifically stated that a key factor to the success of a long-term offender
regime is “a speedy and flexible mechanism for enforcing the orders which
does not result in lengthy re-incarceration in the absence of the commission
of a new crime” (p. 19 (emphasis added)).
[55] It is the
sentencing judge’s duty to determine, within this open range of sentencing
options, which sentence will be proportionate to both the gravity of the offence
and the degree of responsibility of the offender. The severity of a particular
breach of an LTSO will depend, in large part, on the circumstances of the
breach, the nature of the condition breached, and the role that condition plays
in managing the offender’s risk of reoffence in the community. This requires a
contextual analysis. As Smith J.A. states in R. v. Deacon, 2004 BCCA 78,
193 B.C.A.C. 228, at para. 51, “the gravity of an offence under s. 753.3 must be
measured with reference not only to the conduct that gave rise to the offence,
but also with regard to what it portends in light of the offender’s entire
history of criminal conduct”. Breach of an LTSO is not subject to a distinct
sentencing regime or system. In any given case, the best guides for determining
a fit sentence are the well-established principles and objectives of sentencing
set out in the Criminal Code.
C. The Offender — Sentencing Aboriginal
Offenders
[56] Section
718.2(e) of the Criminal Code directs that “all available
sanctions other than imprisonment that are reasonable in the circumstances
should be considered for all offenders, with particular attention to the
circumstances of aboriginal offenders”. This provision was introduced into
the Code as part of the 1996 Bill C-41 amendments to codify the purpose
and principles of sentencing. According to the then Minister of Justice, Allan
Rock, “the reason we referred specifically there to aboriginal persons is that
they are sadly overrepresented in the prison populations of Canada” (House of
Commons, Minutes of Proceedings and Evidence of the Standing Committee
on Justice and Legal Affairs, No. 62, 1st Sess., 35th Parl., November 17,
1994, at p. 15).
[57] Aboriginal
persons were sadly overrepresented indeed. Government figures from 1988
indicated that Aboriginal persons accounted for 10 percent of federal prison
inmates, while making up only 2 percent of the national population. The figures
were even more stark in the Prairie provinces, where Aboriginal persons
accounted for 32 percent of prison inmates compared to 5 percent of the
population. The situation was generally worse in provincial institutions. For
example, Aboriginal persons accounted for fully 60 percent of the inmates
detained in provincial jails in Saskatchewan (M. Jackson, “Locking Up Natives in
Canada” (1988-1989), 23 U.B.C. L. Rev. 215, at pp. 215-16). There was
also evidence to indicate that this overrepresentation was on the rise. At Stony
Mountain Penitentiary, the only federal prison in Manitoba, the Aboriginal
inmate population had been climbing steadily from 22 percent in 1965 to 33
percent in 1984, and up to 46 percent just five years later in 1989
(Commissioners A. C. Hamilton and C. M. Sinclair, Report of the Aboriginal
Justice Inquiry of Manitoba (1991), vol. 1, The Justice System and
Aboriginal People, at p. 394). The foregoing statistics led the Royal
Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (“RCAP”) to conclude, at p. 309 of its Report,
Bridging the Cultural Divide: A Report on Aboriginal People and
Criminal Justice in Canada (1996):
The Canadian criminal justice system has failed the
Aboriginal peoples of Canada — First Nations, Inuit and Métis people, on-reserve
and off-reserve, urban and rural — in all territorial and governmental
jurisdictions. The principle reason for this crushing failure is the
fundamentally different world views of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people with
respect to such elemental issues as the substantive content of justice and the
process of achieving justice.
[58] The
overrepresentation of Aboriginal people in the Canadian criminal justice system
was the impetus for including the specific reference to Aboriginal people in s.
718.2(e). It was not at all clear, however, what exactly the provision
required or how it would affect the sentencing of Aboriginal offenders. In 1999,
this Court had the opportunity to address these questions in Gladue. Cory
and Iacobucci JJ., writing for the unanimous Court, reviewed the statistics and
concluded, at para. 64:
These findings cry out for
recognition of the magnitude and gravity of the problem, and for responses to
alleviate it. The figures are stark and reflect what may fairly be termed a
crisis in the Canadian criminal justice system. The drastic overrepresentation
of aboriginal peoples within both the Canadian prison population and the
criminal justice system reveals a sad and pressing social problem. It is
reasonable to assume that Parliament, in singling out aboriginal offenders for
distinct sentencing treatment in s. 718.2(e), intended to attempt to
redress this social problem to some degree. The provision may properly be seen
as Parliament’s direction to members of the judiciary to inquire into the causes
of the problem and to endeavour to remedy it, to the extent that a remedy is
possible through the sentencing process.
[59] The Court
held, therefore, that s. 718.2(e) of the Code is a remedial
provision designed to ameliorate the serious problem of overrepresentation of
Aboriginal people in Canadian prisons, and to encourage sentencing judges to
have recourse to a restorative approach to sentencing (Gladue, at para.
93). It does more than affirm existing principles of sentencing; it calls upon
judges to use a different method of analysis in determining a fit sentence for
Aboriginal offenders. Section 718.2(e) directs sentencing judges to pay
particular attention to the circumstances of Aboriginal offenders because those
circumstances are unique and different from those of non-Aboriginal offenders
(Gladue, at para. 37). When sentencing an Aboriginal offender, a judge
must consider: (a) the unique systemic or background factors which may have
played a part in bringing the particular Aboriginal offender before the courts;
and (b) the types of sentencing procedures and sanctions which may be
appropriate in the circumstances for the offender because of his or her
particular Aboriginal heritage or connection (Gladue, at para. 66).
Judges may take judicial notice of the broad systemic and background factors
affecting Aboriginal people generally, but additional case-specific information
will have to come from counsel and from the pre-sentence report (Gladue,
at paras. 83-84).
[60] Courts
have, at times, been hesitant to take judicial notice of the systemic and
background factors affecting Aboriginal people in Canadian society (see, e.g.,
R. v. Laliberte, 2000 SKCA 27, 189 Sask. R. 190). To be clear, courts
must take judicial notice of such matters as the history of colonialism,
displacement, and residential schools and how that history continues to
translate into lower educational attainment, lower incomes, higher unemployment,
higher rates of substance abuse and suicide, and of course higher levels of
incarceration for Aboriginal peoples. These matters, on their own, do not
necessarily justify a different sentence for Aboriginal offenders. Rather, they
provide the necessary context for understanding and evaluating the
case-specific information presented by counsel. Counsel have a duty to bring
that individualized information before the court in every case, unless the
offender expressly waives his right to have it considered. In current practice,
it appears that case-specific information is often brought before the court by
way of a Gladue report, which is a form of pre-sentence report tailored
to the specific circumstances of Aboriginal offenders. Bringing such
information to the attention of the judge in a comprehensive and timely manner
is helpful to all parties at a sentencing hearing for an Aboriginal offender, as
it is indispensable to a judge in fulfilling his duties under s. 718.2(e)
of the Criminal Code.
[61] It would
have been naive to suggest that sentencing Aboriginal persons differently,
without addressing the root causes of criminality, would eliminate their
overrepresentation in the criminal justice system entirely. In Gladue,
Cory and Iacobucci JJ. were mindful of this fact, yet retained a degree of
optimism, stating, at para. 65:
It is clear that sentencing
innovation by itself cannot remove the causes of aboriginal offending and the
greater problem of aboriginal alienation from the criminal justice system. The
unbalanced ratio of imprisonment for aboriginal offenders flows from a number of
sources, including poverty, substance abuse, lack of education, and the lack of
employment opportunities for aboriginal people. It arises also from bias against
aboriginal people and from an unfortunate institutional approach that is more
inclined to refuse bail and to impose more and longer prison terms for
aboriginal offenders. There are many aspects of this sad situation which cannot
be addressed in these reasons. What can and must be addressed, though, is the
limited role that sentencing judges will play in remedying injustice against
aboriginal peoples in Canada. Sentencing judges are among those decision-makers
who have the power to influence the treatment of aboriginal offenders in the
justice system. They determine most directly whether an aboriginal offender will
go to jail, or whether other sentencing options may be employed which will play
perhaps a stronger role in restoring a sense of balance to the offender, victim,
and community, and in preventing future crime.
[62] This
cautious optimism has not been borne out. In fact, statistics indicate that the
overrepresentation and alienation of Aboriginal peoples in the criminal justice
system has only worsened. In the immediate aftermath of Bill C-41, from 1996 to
2001, Aboriginal admissions to custody increased by 3 percent while
non-Aboriginal admissions declined by 22 percent (J. V. Roberts and R. Melchers,
“The Incarceration of Aboriginal Offenders: Trends from 1978 to 2001” (2003), 45
Can. J. Crim. & Crim. Just. 211, at p. 226). From 2001 to 2006, there
was an overall decline in prison admissions of 9 percent. During that same time
period, Aboriginal admissions to custody increased by 4 percent (J. Rudin,
“Addressing Aboriginal Overrepresentation Post-Gladue: A Realistic
Assessment of How Social Change Occurs” (2008-2009), 54 Crim. L.Q. 447,
at p. 452). As a result, the overrepresentation of Aboriginal people in the
criminal justice system is worse than ever. Whereas Aboriginal persons made up
12 percent of all federal inmates in 1999 when Gladue was decided, they
accounted for 17 percent of federal admissions in 2005 (J. Rudin, “Aboriginal
Over-representation and R. v. Gladue: Where We Were, Where We Are and
Where We Might Be Going”, in J. Cameron and J. Stribopoulos, eds., The
Charter and Criminal Justice: Twenty-Five Years Later (2008), 687, at p.
701). As Professor Rudin asks: “If Aboriginal overrepresentation was a crisis in
1999, what term can be applied to the situation today?” (“Addressing Aboriginal
Overrepresentation Post-Gladue”, at p. 452).
[63] Over a
decade has passed since this Court issued its judgment in Gladue. As the
statistics indicate, section 718.2(e) of the Criminal Code has not
had a discernible impact on the overrepresentation of Aboriginal people in the
criminal justice system. Granted, the Gladue principles were never
expected to provide a panacea. There is some indication, however, from both the
academic commentary and the jurisprudence, that the failure can be attributed to
some extent to a fundamental misunderstanding and misapplication of both s.
718.2(e) and this Court’s decision in Gladue. The following is an
attempt to resolve these misunderstandings, clarify certain ambiguities, and
provide additional guidance so that courts can properly implement this
sentencing provision.
1. Making Sense of Aboriginal
Sentencing
[64] Section
718.2(e) of the Criminal Code and this Court’s decision in
Gladue were not universally well-received. Three interrelated criticisms
have been advanced: (1) sentencing is not an appropriate means of addressing
overrepresentation; (2) the Gladue principles provide what is essentially
a race-based discount for Aboriginal offenders; and (3) providing special
treatment and lesser sentences to Aboriginal offenders is inherently unfair as
it creates unjustified distinctions between offenders who are similarly
situated, thus violating the principle of sentence parity. In my view, these
criticisms are based on a fundamental misunderstanding of the operation of s.
718.2(e) of the Criminal Code.
[65] Professors
Stenning and Roberts describe the sentencing provision as an “empty promise” to
Aboriginal peoples because it is unlikely to have any significant impact on
levels of overrepresentation (P. Stenning and J. V. Roberts, “Empty Promises:
Parliament, the Supreme Court, and the Sentencing of Aboriginal Offenders”
(2001), 64 Sask. L. Rev. 137, at p. 167). As we have seen, the direction
to pay particular attention to the circumstances of Aboriginal offenders was
included in light of evidence of their overrepresentation in Canada’s prisons
and jails. This overrepresentation led the Aboriginal Justice Inquiry of
Manitoba to ask in its Report: “Why, in a society where justice is supposed to
be blind, are the inmates of our prisons selected so overwhelmingly from a
single ethnic group? Two answers suggest themselves immediately: either
Aboriginal people commit a disproportionate number of crimes, or they are the
victims of a discriminatory justice system” (at p. 85); see also RCAP, at
p. 33). The available evidence indicates that both phenomena are contributing to
the problem (RCAP). Contrary to Professors Stenning and Roberts, addressing
these matters does not lie beyond the purview of the sentencing judge.
[66] First,
sentencing judges can endeavour to reduce crime rates in Aboriginal communities
by imposing sentences that effectively deter criminality and rehabilitate
offenders. These are codified objectives of sentencing. To the extent that
current sentencing practices do not further these objectives, those practices
must change so as to meet the needs of Aboriginal offenders and their
communities. As Professors Rudin and Roach ask, “[if an innovative sentence] can
serve to actually assist a person in taking responsibility for his or her
actions and lead to a reduction in the probability of subsequent re-offending,
why should such a sentence be precluded just because other people who commit the
same offence go to jail?” (J. Rudin and K. Roach, “Broken Promises: A Response
to Stenning and Roberts’ ‘Empty Promises’” (2002), 65 Sask. L. Rev. 3, at
p. 20).
[67] Second,
judges can ensure that systemic factors do not lead inadvertently to
discrimination in sentencing. Professor Quigley aptly describes how this occurs:
Socioeconomic
factors such as employment status, level of education, family situation, etc.,
appear on the surface as neutral criteria. They are considered as such by the
legal system. Yet they can conceal an extremely strong bias in the sentencing
process. Convicted persons with steady employment and stability in their lives,
or at least prospects of the same, are much less likely to be sent to jail for
offences that are borderline imprisonment offences. The unemployed, transients,
the poorly educated are all better candidates for imprisonment. When the social,
political and economic aspects of our society place Aboriginal people
disproportionately within the ranks of the latter, our society literally
sentences more of them to jail. This is systemic discrimination.
(T. Quigley, “Some
Issues in Sentencing of Aboriginal Offenders”, in R. Gosse, J. Y. Henderson and
R. Carter, eds., Continuing Poundmaker and Riel’s Quest: Presentations Made
at a Conference on Aboriginal Peoples and Justice (1994), 269, at pp.
275-76)
Sentencing judges, as front-line workers in
the criminal justice system, are in the best position to re-evaluate these
criteria to ensure that they are not contributing to ongoing systemic racial
discrimination.
[68] Section
718.2(e) is therefore properly seen as a “direction to members of the
judiciary to inquire into the causes of the problem and to endeavour to remedy
it, to the extent that a remedy is possible through the sentencing
process” (Gladue, at para. 64 (emphasis added)). Applying the
provision does not amount to “hijacking the sentencing process in the pursuit of
other goals” (Stenning and Roberts, at p. 160). The purpose of sentencing is to
promote a just, peaceful and safe society through the imposition of just
sanctions that, among other things, deter criminality and rehabilitate
offenders, all in accordance with the fundamental principle of proportionality.
Just sanctions are those that do not operate in a discriminatory manner.
Parliament, in enacting s. 718.2(e), evidently concluded that nothing
short of a specific direction to pay particular attention to the circumstances
of Aboriginal offenders would suffice to ensure that judges undertook their
duties properly.
[69] Certainly
sentencing will not be the sole — or even the primary — means of addressing
Aboriginal overrepresentation in penal institutions. But that does not detract
from a judge’s fundamental duty to fashion a sentence that is fit and proper in
the circumstances of the offence, the offender, and the victim. Nor does it turn
s. 718.2(e) into an empty promise. The sentencing judge has an admittedly
limited, yet important role to play. As the Aboriginal Justice Inquiry of
Manitoba put it, at pp. 110-11:
To change this
situation will require a real commitment to ending social inequality in Canadian
society, something to which no government in Canada has committed itself to
date. This will be a far-reaching endeavour and involve much more than the
justice system as it is understood currently .…
Despite the magnitude
of the problems, there is much the justice system can do to assist in reducing
the degree to which Aboriginal people come into conflict with the law. It can
reduce the ways in which it discriminates against Aboriginal people and the ways
in which it adds to Aboriginal alienation.
Cory and Iacobucci JJ. were equally
cognizant of the limits of the sentencing judge’s power to effect change.
Paragraph 65 of Gladue bears repeating here:
It is clear that sentencing
innovation by itself cannot remove the causes of aboriginal offending and the
greater problem of aboriginal alienation from the criminal justice system. ….
What can and must be addressed, though, is the limited role that sentencing
judges will play in remedying injustice against aboriginal peoples in Canada.
Sentencing judges are among those decision-makers who have the power to
influence the treatment of aboriginal offenders in the justice system. They
determine most directly whether an aboriginal offender will go to jail, or
whether other sentencing options may be employed which will play perhaps a
stronger role in restoring a sense of balance to the offender, victim, and
community, and in preventing future crime.
[70] The
sentencing process is therefore an appropriate forum for addressing Aboriginal
overrepresentation in Canada’s prisons. Despite being theoretically sound,
critics still insist that, in practice, the direction to pay particular
attention to the circumstances of Aboriginal offenders invites sentencing judges
to impose more lenient sentences simply because an offender is Aboriginal. In
short, s. 718.2(e) is seen as a race-based discount on sentencing, devoid
of any legitimate tie to traditional principles of sentencing. A particularly
stark example of this view was expressed by Bloc Québecois M.P. Pierrette Venne
at the second reading for Bill C-41 when she asked: “Why should an Aboriginal
convicted of murder, rape, assault or of uttering threats not be liable to
imprisonment like any other citizen of this country? Can we replace all this
with a parallel justice, an ethnic justice, a cultural justice? Where would it
stop? Where does this horror come from?” (House of Commons Debates, vol.
133, 1st Sess., 35th Parl., September 20, 1994, at p. 5876).
[71] In
Gladue, this Court rejected Ms. Gladue’s argument that s. 718.2(e)
was an affirmative action provision or, as the Crown described it, an invitation
to engage in “reverse discrimination” (para. 86). Cory and Iacobucci JJ. were
very clear in stating that “s. 718.2(e) should not be taken as requiring
an automatic reduction of a sentence, or a remission of a
warranted period of incarceration, simply because the offender is
aboriginal” (Gladue, at para. 88 (emphasis added)). This point was
reiterated in R. v. Wells, 2000 SCC 10, [2000] 1 S.C.R. 207, at para. 30.
There is nothing to suggest that subsequent decisions of provincial and
appellate courts have departed from this principle. In fact, it is usually
stated explicitly. For example, in R. v. Vermette, 2001 MBCA 64, 156 Man.
R. (2d) 120, the Manitoba Court of Appeal stated, at para. 39:
The section does not mandate better treatment for
aboriginal offenders than non-aboriginal offenders. It is simply a recognition
that the sentence must be individualized and that there are serious social
problems with respect to aboriginals that require more creative and innovative
solutions. This is not reverse discrimination. It is an acknowledgement that to
achieve real equity, sometimes different people must be treated differently.
[72] While the
purpose of s. 718.2(e) may not be to provide “a remission of a
warranted period of incarceration”, critics argue that the methodology
set out in Gladue will inevitably have this effect. As Professors
Stenning and Roberts state: “[T]he practical effect of this alternate
methodology is predictable: the sentencing of an Aboriginal offender is less
likely to result in a term of custody and, if custody is imposed, it is likely
to be shorter in some cases than it would have been had the offender been
non-Aboriginal” (p. 162). These criticisms are unwarranted. The methodology set
out by this Court in Gladue is designed to focus on those unique
circumstances of an Aboriginal offender which could reasonably and justifiably
impact on the sentence imposed. Gladue directs sentencing judges to
consider: (1) the unique systemic and background factors which may have played a
part in bringing the particular Aboriginal offender before the courts; and (2)
the types of sentencing procedures and sanctions which may be appropriate in the
circumstances for the offender because of his or her particular Aboriginal
heritage or connection. Both sets of circumstances bear on the ultimate question
of what is a fit and proper sentence.
[73] First,
systemic and background factors may bear on the culpability of the offender, to
the extent that they shed light on his or her level of moral blameworthiness.
This is perhaps more evident in Wells where Iacobucci J. described these
circumstances as “the unique systemic or background factors that are
mitigating in nature in that they may have played a part in the aboriginal
offender’s conduct” (Wells, at para. 38 (emphasis added)). Canadian
criminal law is based on the premise that criminal liability only follows from
voluntary conduct. Many Aboriginal offenders find themselves in situations of
social and economic deprivation with a lack of opportunities and limited options
for positive development. While this rarely — if ever — attains a level where
one could properly say that their actions were not voluntary and
therefore not deserving of criminal sanction, the reality is that their
constrained circumstances may diminish their moral culpability. As Greckol J. of
the Alberta Court of Queen’s Bench stated, at para. 60 of R. v. Skani,
2002 ABQB 1097, 331 A.R. 50, after describing the background factors that lead
to Mr. Skani coming before the court, “[f]ew mortals could withstand such a
childhood and youth without becoming seriously troubled.” Failing to take these
circumstances into account would violate the fundamental principle of sentencing
— that the sentence must be proportionate to the gravity of the offence and
the degree of responsibility of the offender. The existence of such
circumstances may also indicate that a sanction that takes account of the
underlying causes of the criminal conduct may be more appropriate than one only
aimed at punishment per se. As Cory and Iacobucci JJ. state in
Gladue, at para. 69:
In cases where such factors have played a significant
role, it is incumbent upon the sentencing judge to consider these factors in
evaluating whether imprisonment would actually serve to deter, or to denounce
crime in a sense that would be meaningful to the community of which the offender
is a member. In many instances, more restorative sentencing principles will gain
primary relevance precisely because the prevention of crime as well as
individual and social healing cannot occur through other means.
[74] The second
set of circumstances — the types of sanctions which may be appropriate — bears
not on the degree of culpability of the offender, but on the effectiveness of
the sentence itself. As Cory and Iacobucci JJ. point out, at para. 73 of
Gladue: “What is important to recognize is that, for many if not most
aboriginal offenders, the current concepts of sentencing are inappropriate
because they have frequently not responded to the needs, experiences, and
perspectives of aboriginal people or aboriginal communities.” As the RCAP
indicates, at p. 309, the “crushing failure” of the Canadian criminal justice
system vis-à-vis Aboriginal peoples is due to “the fundamentally
different world views of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people with respect to
such elemental issues as the substantive content of justice and the process of
achieving justice.” The Gladue principles direct sentencing judges to
abandon the presumption that all offenders and all communities share the same
values when it comes to sentencing and to recognize that, given these
fundamentally different world views, different or alternative sanctions may more
effectively achieve the objectives of sentencing in a particular community.
[75] Section
718.2(e) does not create a race-based discount on sentencing. The
provision does not ask courts to remedy the overrepresentation of Aboriginal
people in prisons by artificially reducing incarceration rates. Rather,
sentencing judges are required to pay particular attention to the circumstances
of Aboriginal offenders in order to endeavour to achieve a truly fit and proper
sentence in any particular case. This has, and continues to be, the fundamental
duty of a sentencing judge. Gladue is entirely consistent with the
requirement that sentencing judges engage in an individualized assessment of all
of the relevant factors and circumstances, including the status and life
experiences, of the person standing before them. Gladue affirms this
requirement and recognizes that, up to this point, Canadian courts have failed
to take into account the unique circumstances of Aboriginal offenders that bear
on the sentencing process. Section 718.2(e) is intended to remedy this
failure by directing judges to craft sentences in a manner that is meaningful to
Aboriginal peoples. Neglecting this duty would not be faithful to the core
requirement of the sentencing process.
[76] A third
criticism, intimately related to the last, is that the Court’s direction to
utilize a method of analysis when sentencing Aboriginal offenders is inherently
unfair as it creates unjustified distinctions between offenders who are
otherwise similarly situated. This, in turn, violates the principle of sentence
parity. This criticism is premised on the argument that the circumstances of
Aboriginal offenders are not, in fact, unique. As Professors Stenning and
Roberts put it (at p. 158):
If the kinds of factors that place many Aboriginal people
at a disadvantage vis-à-vis the criminal justice system also affect many
members of other minority or similarly marginalized non-Aboriginal offender
groups, how can it be fair to give such factors more particular attention in
sentencing Aboriginal offenders than in sentencing offenders from those other
groups who share a similar disadvantage?
[77] This
critique ignores the distinct history of Aboriginal peoples in Canada. The
overwhelming message emanating from the various reports and commissions on
Aboriginal peoples’ involvement in the criminal justice system is that current
levels of criminality are intimately tied to the legacy of colonialism (see,
e.g., RCAP, p. 309). As Professor Carter puts it, “poverty and other
incidents of social marginalization may not be unique, but how people get there
is. No one’s history in this country compares to Aboriginal people’s” (M.
Carter, “Of Fairness and Faulkner” (2002), 65 Sask. L. Rev. 63, at p.
71). Furthermore, there is nothing in the Gladue decision which would
indicate that background and systemic factors should not also be taken into
account for other, non-Aboriginal offenders. Quite the opposite. Cory and
Iacobucci JJ. specifically state, at para. 69, in Gladue, that
“background and systemic factors will also be of importance for a judge in
sentencing a non-aboriginal offender”.
[78] The
interaction between s. 718.2(e) and 718.2(b) — the parity
principle — merits specific attention. Section 718.2(b) states that “a
sentence should be similar to sentences imposed on similar offenders for similar
offences committed in similar circumstances”. Similarity, however, is sometimes
an elusory concept. As J.‑P. Brodeur describes (“On the Sentencing of Aboriginal
Offenders: A Reaction to Stenning and Roberts” (2002), 65 Sask. L. Rev.
45, at p. 49):
“[H]igh unemployment” has a different meaning in the
context of an Aboriginal reservation where there are simply no job opportunities
and in an urban context where the White majority exclude Blacks from segments of
the labour-market; “substance abuse” is not the same when it refers to young men
smoking crack cocaine and to kids committing suicide by sniffing gasoline;
“loneliness” is not experienced in a similar way in bush reservations and urban
ghettoes.
[79] In
practice, similarity is a matter of degree. No two offenders will come before
the courts with the same background and experiences, having committed the same
crime in the exact same circumstances. Section 718.2(b) simply requires
that any disparity between sanctions for different offenders be justified. To
the extent that Gladue will lead to different sanctions for Aboriginal
offenders, those sanctions will be justified based on their unique circumstances
— circumstances which are rationally related to the sentencing process. Courts
must ensure that a formalistic approach to parity in sentencing does not
undermine the remedial purpose of s. 718.2(e). As Professor Quigley
cautions (at p. 286):
Uniformity hides inequity, impedes innovation
and locks the system into its mindset of jail. It also prevents us from
re-evaluating the value of our aims of sentencing and their efficacy.
It is true that on
the surface imposing the same penalty for the nearly identical offence is only
fair. That might be closer to the truth in a society that is more equitable,
more homogenous and more cohesive than ours. But in an ethnically and culturally
diverse society, there is a differential impact from the same treatment. Indeed,
that has been recognized in the jurisprudence on equality rights under the
Charter. Thus, there is a constitutional imperative to avoiding excessive
concern about sentence disparity.
2. Evaluating Aboriginal Sentencing
Post-Gladue
[80] An
examination of the post-Gladue jurisprudence applying s. 718.2(e)
reveals several issues with the implementation of the provision. These errors
have significantly curtailed the scope and potential remedial impact of the
provision, thwarting what was originally envisioned by Gladue.
[81] First, some
cases erroneously suggest that an offender must establish a causal link between
background factors and the commission of the current offence before being
entitled to have those matters considered by the sentencing judge. The decision
of the Alberta Court of Appeal in R. v. Poucette, 1999 ABCA 305,
250 A.R. 55, provides one example. In that case, the court concluded, at
para. 14:
It is not clear how Poucette, a 19 year old, may
have been affected by the historical policies of assimilation, colonialism,
residential schools and religious persecution that were mentioned by the
sentencing judge. While it may be argued that all aboriginal persons have been
affected by systemic and background factors, Gladue requires that their
influences be traced to the particular offender. Failure to link the two is an
error in principle.
(See also R. v. Gladue, 1999 ABCA 279, 46
M.V.R. (3d) 183; R. v. Andres, 2002 SKCA 98, 223 Sask. R. 121.)
[82] This
judgment displays an inadequate understanding of the devastating
intergenerational effects of the collective experiences of Aboriginal peoples.
It also imposes an evidentiary burden on offenders that was not intended by
Gladue. As the Ontario Court of Appeal states in R. v. Collins,
2011 ONCA 182, 277 O.A.C. 88, at paras. 32-33:
There is nothing in
the governing authorities that places the burden of persuasion on an Aboriginal
accused to establish a causal link between the systemic and background factors
and commission of the offence....
As expressed in
Gladue, Wells and Kakekagamick, s. 718.2(e) requires the
sentencing judge to “give attention to the unique background and systemic
factors which may have played a part in bringing the particular offender before
the courts”: Gladue at para. 69. This is a much more modest requirement
than the causal link suggested by the trial judge.
(See also R. v.
Jack, 2008 BCCA 437, 261 B.C.A.C. 245.)
[83] As the
Ontario Court of Appeal goes on to note in Collins, it would be extremely
difficult for an Aboriginal offender to ever establish a direct causal link
between his circumstances and his offending. The interconnections are simply too
complex. The Aboriginal Justice Inquiry of Manitoba describes the issue, at p.
86:
Cultural oppression, social
inequality, the loss of self-government and systemic discrimination, which are
the legacy of the Canadian government’s treatment of Aboriginal people, are
intertwined and interdependent factors, and in very few cases is it possible to
draw a simple and direct correlation between any one of them and the events
which lead an individual Aboriginal person to commit a crime or to become
incarcerated.
Furthermore, the operation of s.
718.2(e) does not logically require such a connection. Systemic and
background factors do not operate as an excuse or justification for the criminal
conduct. Rather, they provide the necessary context to enable a judge to
determine an appropriate sentence. This is not to say that those factors need
not be tied in some way to the particular offender and offence. Unless the
unique circumstances of the particular offender bear on his or her culpability
for the offence or indicate which sentencing objectives can and should be
actualized, they will not influence the ultimate sentence.
[84] The second
and perhaps most significant issue in the post-Gladue jurisprudence is
the irregular and uncertain application of the Gladue principles to
sentencing decisions for serious or violent offences. As Professor Roach has
indicated, “appellate courts have attended disproportionately to just a few
paragraphs in these two Supreme Court judgments — paragraphs that discuss the
relevance of Gladue in serious cases and compare the sentencing of
Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders” (K. Roach, “One Step Forward, Two Steps
Back: Gladue at Ten and in the Courts of Appeal” (2008-2009), 54 Crim.
L.Q. 470, at p. 472). The passage in Gladue that has received this
unwarranted emphasis is the observation that “[g]enerally, the more violent and
serious the offence the more likely it is as a practical reality that the terms
of imprisonment for Aboriginals and non-Aboriginals will be close to each other
or the same, even taking into account their different concepts of sentencing”
(Gladue, at para. 79; see also Wells, at paras. 42-44). Numerous
courts have erroneously interpreted this generalization as an indication that
the Gladue principles do not apply to serious offences (see, e.g., R.
v. Carrière (2002), 164 C.C.C. (3d) 569 (Ont. C.A.)).
[85] Whatever
criticisms may be directed at the decision of this Court for any ambiguity in
this respect, the judgment ultimately makes it clear, at para. 82, that
sentencing judges have a duty to apply s. 718.2(e): “There is no
discretion as to whether to consider the unique situation of the Aboriginal
offender; the only discretion concerns the determination of a just and
appropriate sentence.” Similarly, in Wells, Iacobucci J. reiterated, at
para. 50, that
[t]he generalization drawn in Gladue to the effect
that the more violent and serious the offence, the more likely as a practical
matter for similar terms of imprisonment to be imposed on aboriginal and
non-aboriginal offenders, was not meant to be a principle of universal
application. In each case, the sentencing judge must look to the circumstances
of the aboriginal offender.
This element of duty has not completely escaped the
attention of Canadian appellate courts (see, e.g., R. v.
Kakekagamick (2006), 214 O.A.C. 127; R. v. Jensen (2005),
196 O.A.C. 119; R. v. Abraham, 2000 ABCA 159, 261 A.R. 192).
[86] In addition
to being contrary to this Court’s direction in Gladue, a sentencing
judge’s failure to apply s. 718.2(e) in the context of serious offences
raises several questions. First, what offences are to be considered “serious”
for this purpose? As Ms. Pelletier points out: “Statutorily speaking, there is
no such thing as a ‘serious’ offence. The Code does not make a
distinction between serious and non-serious crimes. There is also no legal test
for determining what should be considered ‘serious’” (R. Pelletier, “The
Nullification of Section 718.2(e): Aggravating Aboriginal Over-representation in
Canadian Prisons” (2001), 39 Osgoode Hall L.J. 469, at p. 479). Trying to
carve out an exception from Gladue for serious offences would inevitably
lead to inconsistency in the jurisprudence due to “the relative ease with which
a sentencing judge could deem any number of offences to be ‘serious’”
(Pelletier, at p. 479). It would also deprive s. 718.2(e) of much of its
remedial power, given its focus on reducing overreliance on incarceration. A
second question arises: who are courts sentencing if not the offender standing
in front of them? If the offender is Aboriginal, then courts must consider all
of the circumstances of that offender, including the unique circumstances
described in Gladue. There is no sense comparing the sentence that a
particular Aboriginal offender would receive to the sentence that some
hypothetical non-Aboriginal offender would receive, because there is only one
offender standing before the court.
[87] The
sentencing judge has a statutory duty, imposed by s. 718.2(e) of the
Criminal Code, to consider the unique circumstances of Aboriginal
offenders. Failure to apply Gladue in any case involving an Aboriginal
offender runs afoul of this statutory obligation. As these reasons have
explained, such a failure would also result in a sentence that was not fit and
was not consistent with the fundamental principle of proportionality.
Therefore, application of the Gladue principles is required in every case
involving an Aboriginal offender, including breach of an LTSO, and a failure to
do so constitutes an error justifying appellate intervention.
VI. Application
A. Manasie Ipeelee
[88] Megginson
J. sentenced Mr. Ipeelee to three years’ imprisonment, less credit for
pre-sentence custody. The Court of Appeal upheld that sentence. Both courts
emphasized the serious nature of the breach, given the documented link between
Mr. Ipeelee’s use of alcohol and his propensity to engage in violence. As a
result, both courts emphasized the objectives of denunciation, deterrence, and
protection of the public.
[89] In my view,
the courts below made several errors in principle warranting appellate
intervention. First, the courts reached the erroneous conclusion that protection
of the public is the paramount objective when sentencing for breach of an LTSO
and that rehabilitation plays only a small role. As discussed, while protection
of the public is important, the legislative purpose of an LTSO as a form of
conditional release set out in s. 100 of the CCRA is to rehabilitate
offenders and reintegrate them into society. The courts therefore erred in
concluding that rehabilitation was not a relevant sentencing objective.
[90] As a result
of this error, the courts below gave only attenuated consideration to Mr.
Ipeelee’s circumstances as an Aboriginal offender. Relying on Carrière,
the Court of Appeal concluded that this was the kind of offence where the
sentence will not differ as between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal offenders, and
relying on W. (H.P.), held that features of Aboriginal sentencing
play little or no role when sentencing long-term offenders. Given certain trends
in the jurisprudence discussed above, it is easy to see how the court reached
this conclusion. Nonetheless, they erred in doing so. These errors justify the
Court’s intervention.
[91] It is
therefore necessary to consider what sentence is warranted in the circumstances.
Mr. Ipeelee breached the alcohol abstention condition of his LTSO. His history
indicates a strong correlation between alcohol use and violent offending. As a
result, abstaining from alcohol is critical to managing his risk in the
community. That being said, the conduct constituting the breach was becoming
intoxicated, not becoming intoxicated and engaging in violence. The Court must
focus on the actual incident giving rise to the breach. A fit sentence should
seek to manage the risk of reoffence he continues to pose to the community in a
manner that addresses his alcohol abuse, rather than punish him for what might
have been. To engage in the latter would certainly run afoul of the principles
of fundamental justice.
[92] At the time
of the offence, Mr. Ipeelee was eighteen months into his LTSO. He was living in
Kingston, where there were few culturally-relevant support systems in place.
There is no evidence, other than one isolated instance of refusing urinalysis,
that he consumed alcohol on any occasion prior to this breach. Mr. Ipeelee’s
history indicates that he has been drinking heavily since the age of 11. Relapse
is to be expected as he continues to address his addiction.
[93] Taking into
account the relevant sentencing principles, the fact that this is Mr. Ipeelee’s
first breach of his LTSO and that he pleaded guilty to the offence, I would
substitute a sentence of one year’s imprisonment. Given the circumstances of his
previous convictions, abstaining from alcohol is crucial to Mr. Ipeelee’s
rehabilitation under the long-term offender regime. Consequently, this sentence
is designed to denounce Mr. Ipeelee’s conduct and deter him from consuming
alcohol in the future. In addition, it provides a sufficient period of time
without access to alcohol so that Mr. Ipeelee can get back on track with his
alcohol treatment. Finally, the sentence is not so harsh as to suggest to Mr.
Ipeelee that success under the long-term offender regime is simply not
possible.
B. Frank Ralph Ladue
[94] Bagnall
Prov. Ct. J. sentenced Mr. Ladue to three years’ imprisonment, less credit for
pre-sentence custody. The majority of the Court of Appeal intervened and
substituted a sentence of one year’s imprisonment. Bennett J.A., writing for the
majority, held that the sentencing judge made two errors warranting appellate
intervention.
[95] First, the
majority of the Court of Appeal held that the sentencing judge failed to give
sufficient weight to Mr. Ladue’s circumstances as an Aboriginal offender.
Although she acknowledged Mr. Ladue’s Aboriginal status in her reasons for
sentence, she failed to give it any “tangible consideration” (para. 64). In my
view, the Court of Appeal was right to intervene on this basis. The sentencing
judge described Mr. Ladue’s history in great detail, but she failed to consider
whether and how that history ought to impact on her sentencing decision. As a
result, she failed to give effect to Parliament’s direction in s.
718.2(e) of the Criminal Code. As the Court of Appeal rightly
concluded, this was a case in which the unique circumstances of the Aboriginal
offender indicated that the objective of rehabilitation ought to have been given
greater emphasis:
Mr. Ladue desires to succeed, as exhibited by his request
not to be sent to Belkin House. However, he is addicted to drugs and alcohol,
which can directly be related to how he was treated as an Aboriginal person. He
has not reoffended in a manner which threatens the safety of the public. He will
ultimately be released into the community without supervision. Unless he can
manage his alcohol and drug addiction in the community he will very likely be a
threat to the public. Repeated efforts at abstinence are not unusual for those
dealing with addiction. Indeed, Mr. Ladue demonstrated that he is capable of
abstinence as shown by his conduct a number of years ago. [para. 63]
[96] Second, the
majority of the Court of Appeal held that a sentence of three years’
imprisonment was not proportionate to the gravity of the offence and the degree
of responsibility of the offender. The Court of Appeal placed particular
emphasis on the manner in which Mr. Ladue came to arrive at Belkin House rather
than Linkage House. In my view, this emphasis was entirely warranted. Mr. Ladue
is addicted to opiates — incidentally, a form of the same drug he first began
using while incarcerated in a federal penitentiary. He had arranged to be
released to Linkage House where he would have access to culturally-relevant
programming and the resources of an Elder. Instead, as a result of errors made
by correctional officials, he was released to Belkin House where he was
immediately tempted by drugs. The Court of Appeal was therefore justified in
reaching the following conclusion:
I acknowledge that
Mr. Ladue’s repeated failure to abstain from substances while on release
required some time back in prison. However, in my respectful opinion, a sentence
of one year would properly reflect the principles and purpose of sentencing. I
say this because it is enough time for Mr. Ladue to achieve sobriety, and enough
time for the correctional staff to find an appropriate placement for him,
preferably Linkage House or another halfway house which emphasizes Aboriginal
culture and healing. In addition, a one-year sentence is more reflective of and
more proportionate to the nature of his offence and his circumstances. ...
[T]he circumstances
of Mr. Ladue’s background played an instrumental part in his offending over his
lifetime and his rehabilitation is critical to the protection of the public.
[paras. 81-82]
[97] The
judgment of the Court of Appeal is well founded. Bennett J.A. cogently analysed
this Court’s decisions in Gladue and L.M. and correctly applied
those principles to the facts of the specific case. A sentence of one year of
imprisonment adequately reflects the principles and objectives of sentencing set
out in the Criminal Code. As a result, I would dismiss the Crown’s appeal
and affirm the sentence of one year’s imprisonment imposed by the majority of
the Court of Appeal.
VII.
Conclusion
[98] For the
foregoing reasons, I would allow the offender’s appeal in Ipeelee and
substitute a sentence of one year’s imprisonment. I would dismiss the Crown’s
appeal in Ladue.
The following are the reasons delivered by
Rothstein J. —
I.
Introduction
[99] I have had
the opportunity of reading the reasons of my colleague Justice Lebel. While I
am in agreement with much of what my colleague has written in the context of
general sentencing principles and application of those principles to Aboriginal
offenders, I am of the respectful opinion that he does not specifically address
the issue of the sentencing of Aboriginal offenders who have been found to be
long-term offenders and have been found guilty of breaching a condition of a
long-term supervision order (“LTSO”).
[100] I believe that
LeBel J.’s reasons conflate the purpose and objective of LTSOs with the purpose
and objective of sentencing for breaches of such orders. My concern is that the
message they send to sentencing judges as to the weight to be given to
considerations relevant to the sentencing for breaches in such cases is not
consistent with Parliamentary intent. In my opinion, Parliament has said that
protection of society is the paramount consideration when it comes to such
sentencing. Elevating rehabilitation and reintegration into society to a more
significant factor diverts the sentencing judge from adhering to the expressed
intention of Parliament.
[101] With respect to
sentencing of Aboriginal offenders, I agree that s. 718.2(e) of the
Criminal Code, R.S.C. 1985, c. C-46, pertaining to Aboriginal offenders,
is mandatory and must be applied in all cases, including the case of long-term
Aboriginal offenders. However, once an Aboriginal individual is found to be a
long-term offender, and the offender has breached one or more conditions of his
or her LTSO, alternatives to a significant prison term will be limited. The
risk the Aboriginal offender poses in the community is substantial and the
management of that risk has been compromised. That is the reality facing the
judge charged with fixing an appropriate sentence in such circumstances.
II.
Facts
A.
Manasie Ipeelee
[102] Manasie Ipeelee,
an Inuk, was born on December 28, 1972 in Iqaluit and grew up in that
community. He suffered a tragic upbringing, which saw the death of his
alcoholic mother when he was a child and the development of his own serious
alcohol addiction by the time he was 12 years old. His life is marked by an
ever-present alcohol addiction coupled with a propensity to inflict brutal
violence on those with whom he comes into contact while intoxicated.
[103] From the age of
12 to 18, he accumulated a record of 36 convictions, mostly property related.
As an adult, Mr. Ipeelee continued to commit property offences, but added to
them a series of increasingly violent crimes. The series of violent offences
began in September 1992, when he was 19. On this occasion, he attacked a man
with an ashtray and chair when he was refused entry into the victim’s home. He
pled guilty to assault causing bodily harm and was sentenced to 21 days’
imprisonment followed by one year probation.
[104] In August 1993,
he committed a second assault causing bodily harm when, while on probation for
the prior offence, he beat an individual unconscious outside a bar in Iqaluit,
kicking him in the face at least ten times and continuing the assault after the
individual had lost consciousness. This attack left the victim hospitalized.
Less than one year later he pled guilty to yet another aggravated assault. This
time the victim was hospitalized after being beaten to unconsciousness by Mr.
Ipeelee, who then continued to stomp on his face. Mr. Ipeelee was sentenced to
5 months’ imprisonment for the August 1993 offence and 14 months for the
subsequent offence.
[105] Three weeks
after receiving early release from prison for this attack, he committed a sexual
assault in which he and another man raped a woman who had passed out from
intoxication at a party. He pled guilty and received a sentence of two years in
prison. A consecutive 8 month sentence was added for his escape from prison two
days before the plea and sentencing hearing. In the six months after his
release for this offence, he was arrested at least nine times for public
intoxication.
[106] In August 1999,
he committed a sexual assault causing bodily harm when he raped a homeless
woman, during the course of which he threatened to kill her, and punched her
repeatedly in the face. The woman required treatment in hospital for her
injuries. It was this crime that led to his designation as a long-term
offender. At the hearing the sentencing judge noted (2001 NWTSC 33, [2001]
N.W.T.J. No. 30 (QL)):
This summary of Mr. Ipeelee’s crimes of violence
shows a consistent pattern of Mr. Ipeelee administering gratuitous violence
against vulnerable, helpless people while he is in a state of intoxication.
[para. 34]
Mr. Ipeelee was sentenced to six years’
imprisonment for this offence to be followed by a 10 year LTSO.
[107] The offence that
led to this appeal occurred in August 2008 after Mr. Ipeelee had been on release
for 17 months. On this occasion, police found Mr. Ipeelee intoxicated in
downtown Kingston and he was charged with breaching the abstention from
intoxicants condition of his LTSO. He pled guilty on November 14, 2008 and
received a sentence of three years in prison.
B.
Frank Ralph Ladue
[108] Frank Ladue is a
member of the Ross River Dena Council, an Aboriginal community of approximately
500 individuals located 400 kilometres northeast of Whitehorse. He was born in
1962 and, like Mr. Ipeelee, suffered a tragic childhood, with both alcoholic
parents dying while he was quite young. At the age of five, he was sent to a
residential school and on his return, he lived with his grandparents. It was
then, at the age of nine, that he began drinking. He has continued to have
serious problems with alcohol and drugs throughout his life, with the exception
of a six-year period of sobriety in the 1990s, a time when he was also free of
convictions.
[109] Mr. Ladue has a
criminal record of 40 convictions. It includes a lengthy list of property and
impaired driving offences. He has two convictions for robbery, and two
convictions for common assault. His most serious convictions stem from a series
of sexual assaults. The first occurred in 1987 when he sexually assaulted an
unconscious woman at a party. In 1998, he was convicted of breaking and
entering. During the break and enter, he placed a sleeping bag over a sleeping
woman’s head and shoulders, but fled when her daughter interrupted him.
Although he was not convicted of sexual assault, the sentencing judge at Mr.
Ladue’s 2003 hearing, where he was designated a long-term offender, found the
incident “eerily similar” to the previous sexual assaults (2003 YKTC 100
(CanLII), at para. 7). In June of 1999, he was found guilty of sexually
assaulting yet another unconscious woman. For the 1987 conviction, he was
sentenced to imprisonment for 23 months, for the 1998 conviction four months and
for the 1999 conviction 30 months.
[110] His most recent
sexual assault occurred in 2002. On this occasion he entered a dwelling house
without permission from the occupants and found a 22-year-old woman in the
living room unconscious due to alcohol consumption. When she awoke, Mr. Ladue
was assaulting her and attempting to remove her pants. She was unable to resist
due to her intoxication, but the attack was interrupted when other residents of
the house were awakened by what was happening and Mr. Ladue escaped from the
home. He was convicted following a trial for break and enter and sexual assault
and sentenced to three years’ imprisonment. It was this offence that caused him
to be found a long-term offender.
[111] Mr. Ladue was
released under a 7 year LTSO in December 2006. During the time between his
release and the breach in question in this appeal, he was convicted for
breaching his LTSO by consuming intoxicants on three occasions and sentenced in
total to two years in prison, with sixteen and a half months credited for
pre-sentence custody. On May 23, 2009, he had his LTSO suspended for the tenth
time between December 2006 and May 2009 and remained in custody until August 12,
2009.
[112] Upon release he
was designated by the Correctional Services of Canada (“CSC”) to be sent to
Linkage House in Kamloops, British Columbia, where he would receive culturally
specific support from an Aboriginal Elder. However, an outstanding warrant
requiring Mr. Ladue to submit to a DNA test was discovered at the time of his
release. Apparently, due to a bureaucratic error, the warrant had not been
executed during his period of detention and, according to counsel for Mr. Ladue
in this Court, may have been altogether unnecessary, as a DNA sample may have
been provided under a previous warrant. The warrant required that he appear in
Surrey, B.C. This resulted in Mr. Ladue being sent to Belkin House, in downtown
Vancouver, which did not offer the specialized support of Linkage House in
Kamloops. Upon arrival, he was informed that his residency status did not allow
an immediate transfer to Linkage House and that he would have to remain at
Belkin House until the National Parole Board made the necessary change to his
status. Within one week of his arrival at Belkin House, he reoffended and was
subsequently charged with breaching his LTSO by consuming intoxicants. He pled
guilty in February 2010 and received a sentence of three years in prison.
III.
General Principles of Sentencing
[113] The statutory
provisions referred to in these reasons are set out in the Appendix in full.
Section 718 of the Criminal Code codifies the objectives and principles
of sentencing. They apply to the sentencing of all offenders including
long-term offenders who breach their LTSOs.
[114] I agree with
Justice LeBel that a fundamental principle of sentencing must be proportionality
and that the weight given to the different objectives of sentencing must respect
that fundamental principle. The first question that arises in this case is how
these objectives and principles are to be applied when a judge is required to
fix a sentence for a long-term offender who has breached one or more conditions
of his LTSO.
IV.
Long-Term Offenders
[115] Section 753.1(1)
of the Criminal Code sets out three criteria for finding an individual to
be a long-term offender:
753.1 (1) The court may ... find an
offender to be a long-term offender if it is satisfied that
(a) it would
be appropriate to impose a sentence of imprisonment of two years or more for the
offence for which the offender has been convicted;
(b) there is
a substantial risk that the offender will reoffend; and
(c) there is a
reasonable possibility of eventual control of the risk in the community.
[116] Section
753.1(1)(b) requires a finding that there be a substantial risk that the
offender will reoffend. Section 753.1(2) provides the criteria for a finding of
substantial risk of re-offending by the offender. The court must be satisfied
that the offender has committed a specified sexual offence or a violent offence
that involves a sexual element and a pattern of repetitious behaviour or
previous conviction for a sexual offence, thereby showing a likelihood of
causing death, injury, inflicting psychological damage, pain, or other evil in
the future. The criminal history of these individuals and their propensity to
reoffend demonstrates the extraordinary danger they pose to society.
V.
Long-Term Supervision Orders
[117] The distinction
between dangerous offenders, who are incarcerated indefinitely, and long-term
offenders is the finding that there is a reasonable possibility for eventual
control in the community of the long-term offender’s substantial risk of
reoffending. If the court finds an offender to be a long-term offender, it
shall order that the offender be subject to long-term supervision for up to ten
years (s. 753.1(3)(b)), during which he or she is to be supervised in the
community, by a parole supervisor (s. 753.2(1)). Thus, instead of indefinite
detention, long-term offenders will return to the community under supervision
and be subject to a series of conditions prescribed in s. 161(1) of the
Corrections and Conditional Release Regulations, SOR/92-620, as may be
modified or supplemented by the National Parole Board under s. 134.1(2) of the
Corrections and Conditional Release Act, S.C. 1992, c. 20
(“CCRA”). Section 134.1(2) provides that the conditions prescribed by
the Board are to be reasonable and necessary for both the protection of society
and the successful reintegration into society of the offender.
[118] Section 100 of
the CCRA states:
The purpose of conditional release is to contribute
to the maintenance of a just, peaceful and safe society by means of decisions on
the timing and conditions of release that will best facilitate the
rehabilitation of offenders and their reintegration into the community as
law-abiding citizens.
[119] Section 100
applies to all offenders, including long-term offenders. The maintenance of a
just, peaceful and safe society is the purpose of a release with conditions.
Decisions on the timing and conditions of release that will best facilitate
rehabilitation and reintegration into society are the means by which the purpose
is to be effected. However, to achieve the purpose of conditional release,
s. 101(a) of the CCRA states
that the protection of society be the paramount
consideration in the determination of any case.
The principle of protection of society is,
of course, especially important in the case of long-term offenders because of
their substantial risk of violently reoffending.
[120] To this point,
my only difference with Justice LeBel is that I read the relevant legislation as
providing that protection of the public is the paramount consideration in
setting the timing and conditions for release. I do not view rehabilitation and
reintegration into society as an equal consideration. Rather, if the
objectives of rehabilitation and reintegration are met, they will be the most
effective and permanent methods to achieve the protection of the public.
However, there is no guarantee that rehabilitation and reintegration will be
achieved with long-term offenders in view of their history of repetitive sexual
or violent behaviour. Therefore, in accordance with s. 101(a),
protection of the public must stand as the paramount consideration in fixing the
timing and conditions of release, especially in the case of long-term offenders,
who pose a threat of serious violence and harm to other members of society.
VI.
Breaches of Long-Term Supervision Orders
[121] Where I part
serious company with my learned colleague is with respect to the proper approach
to sentencing for breaches of an LTSO. In my respectful opinion, LeBel J. has
not taken account of the difference between the objectives and requirements of
LTSOs for long-term offenders who abide by the conditions of their LTSO and the
objectives and requirements of sentencing long-term offenders who have breached
a condition of their LTSO.
[122] The breach of
the LTSO raises serious concerns that rehabilitation and reintegration are not
being achieved and calls into doubt whether, despite supervision, the long-term
offender has demonstrated that the substantial risk of reoffending in a violent
manner in the community by the long-term offender can be adequately managed.
Therefore, protection of society must be the dominant consideration in
sentencing for breaches of an LTSO. Indeed, if protection of the public is the
paramount consideration when setting the conditions of release, it logically
must remain the paramount consideration when sentencing for a breach of those
conditions.
[123] In this context,
it is significant that s. 753.3(1) of the Criminal Code provides that a
breach of an LTSO constitutes an indictable offence, as opposed to a hybrid
offence, with a maximum sentence of ten years. The maximum term is for the
breach of the LTSO exclusively and is not dependant on the long-term offender
having been found guilty of another substantive offence, violent or otherwise.
The necessary implication is that Parliament viewed breaches of LTSOs as posing
such risk to the protection of society that long-term offenders may have to be
separated from society for a significant period of time. In effect, Parliament
requires a sentencing judge not to wait until a long-term offender wounds,
maims, sexually assaults, or kills someone before receiving a significant
sentence.
[124] Of course, while
all conditions of an LTSO are intended to minimize the risk of reoffending,
breach of some conditions will be more important than others. As Ritter J.A.
pointed out in R. v. W. (H.P.), 2003 ABCA 131, 18 Alta. L.R. (4th) 20, at
para. 44:
I also recognize that the seriousness of any breach
will be greatly diminished if the breach is purely technical. For example, a
breach regarding a reporting requirement should be regarded as nominal if the
offender, for reasons beyond his control, was a few minutes late for a reporting
appointment.
[125] On the other
hand, where a breach is central to the substantial risk of reoffending, such as
where alcohol or substance consumption has been found to be the trigger for
violent offences by the long-term offender, the breach must be considered to be
very serious. Such a breach demonstrates that management of the offender in the
community has been less than effective and the substantial risk of a violent
reoffence is heightened. Therefore, in sentencing for the breach of a condition
of an LTSO, which is central to the risk of the long-term offender violently
reoffending, the protection of the public, more so than the rehabilitation or
reintegration of the offender, must be the dominant consideration of the
sentencing judge in the determination of a fit and proper sentence.
VII.
Sentencing Principles Applicable to Aboriginal Offenders
[126] I agree with
Lebel J. that s. 718.2(e) requires a sentencing judge to consider
background and systemic factors in crafting a sentence, and all available
sanctions other than imprisonment that are reasonable in the circumstances for
all offenders, with particular attention to Aboriginal offenders. These
factors operate, not as an excuse or justification for criminal conduct, but
rather as context for the sentencing judge to determine an appropriate
sentence. They do not create a race-based discount in sentencing and do not
mandate remedying over-representation by artificially reducing incarceration
rates.
[127] Cory and
Iacobucci JJ. pointed out in R. v. Gladue, [1999] 1 S.C.R. 688, at para.
65, that sentencing judges have only a limited role in remedying injustice
against Aboriginal peoples in Canada. This limited role, however, does not mean
they do not have an important role. Sentencing judges must guard against racial
discrimination in sentencing. I do not go so far as to endorse the academic
commentary cited by my colleague, but I do agree that racial discrimination in
sentencing, such as the propensity of Aboriginal offenders to receive
unjustifiably longer sentences than non-Aboriginals or imprisonment when
non-Aboriginals would not be imprisoned, is something for which sentencing
judges must remain vigilant.
[128] The role of a
sentencing judge in remedying such injustice may most effectively be carried out
through alternative sentencing. However, this requires that they be presented
with viable sentencing alternatives to imprisonment that may play a stronger
role “in restoring a sense of balance to the offender, victim, and community,
and in preventing future crime” (Gladue, at para. 65). As with all
sentencing, this must be done with regard to the particular individual, the
threat they pose, and their chances of rehabilitation and reintegration.
Evaluating these options lies within the discretion of the sentencing judge.
VIII.
The Application of Section 718.2(e) and Gladue to Long-Term
Offenders
[129] The particular
circumstances of long-term offenders leads me to disagree with my colleague when
it comes to sentencing Aboriginal long-term offenders for breaches of conditions
of their LTSOs. At para. 79 of Gladue, Cory and Iacobucci JJ.
observed:
Generally, the more violent and serious the offence
the more likely it is as a practical reality that the terms of imprisonment for
aboriginals and non-aboriginals will be close to each other or the same, even
taking into account their different concepts of sentencing.
I agree with LeBel J. that these comments
are not to be read by sentencing judges as a justification not to apply
s. 718.2(e) or to ignore the unique situation of Aboriginal offenders
(paras. 84-85). But, in the context of s. 718.2(e), sentencing judges
are obliged to exercise their discretion as to the appropriate sentence, having
regard to all relevant considerations. Obviously, the substantial risk a
long-term offender poses to the community is a relevant consideration in
sentencing for the breach of an LTSO.
[130] I have set out
my views above that in the case of long-term offenders, the paramount
consideration is the protection of society. This applies to all long-term
offenders, including Aboriginal long-term offenders who have compromised the
management of their risk of reoffending by breaching a condition of their LTSO.
In these circumstances, the alternatives to imprisonment become very
limited.
[131] I do not rule
out alternatives. However, the alternative must be viable. The sentencing judge
must be satisfied that they are consistent with protection of society.
Alternatives may include returning Aboriginal offenders to their communities.
However, as in all cases, this must be done with protection of the public as the
paramount concern; Aboriginal communities are not a separate category entitled
to less protection because the offender is Aboriginal. Where the breach of an
LTSO goes to the control of the Aboriginal offender in the community,
rehabilitation and reintegration into society will have faltered, if not
failed. In such a case, the sentencing judge may have no alternative but to
separate the Aboriginal long-term offender from society for a significant period
of time. Nevertheless, during the period of incarceration, the Aboriginal
status of the long-term offender should be taken into account for the purpose of
providing appropriate programs that are intended to rehabilitate the offender so
that upon release, the substantial risk of re-offending may be controlled.
IX.
Application
A.
Ipeelee
[132] The sentencing
judge, Justice Megginson, sentenced Mr. Ipeelee to three years’ imprisonment
(2009 CarswellOnt 7864). The Court of Appeal upheld Justice Megginson’s
decision (2009 ONCA 892, 99 O.R. (3d) 419). The question is whether this is a
fit and proper sentence.
[133] In my opinion,
Justice Megginson’s findings demonstrate a thorough appreciation of the
circumstances. He considered Mr. Ipeelee’s circumstances, his personal and
criminal history, and his efforts at rehabilitation and reintegration while in
the community. He acknowledged that Mr. Ipeelee was Inuit and entitled to
consideration of his Aboriginal status. He noted that crafting an alternative
sentence would be difficult, as Mr. Ipeelee had been refused residency at a
facility in Iqaluit. In my view, he properly recognized that protection of the
public was the paramount concern in breaches of LTSOs.
[134] Lebel J. finds
at paras. 89 and 95 of his reasons that in this appeal and in Ladue, the
courts erred in concluding that rehabilitation was not a relevant factor in
their sentencing decisions. I do not read their decisions or the decision of
the Ontario Court of Appeal in that way. On my reading of those decisions, all
judges considered the principle of rehabilitation in sentencing, only to
ultimately find that it should play a small role given that Mr. Ipeelee and Mr.
Ladue are long-term offenders and as both had breached conditions of their
LTSOs.
[135] In
Ipeelee, the Crown requested a sentence of three to five years, while Mr.
Ipeelee requested a sentence not exceeding twelve months. Justice Megginson
imposed a sentence of three years, at the low end of the range proposed by the
Crown, which, in his opinion, adequately reflected Mr. Ipeelee’s Aboriginal
status and the mitigating effect of his guilty plea.
[136] Justice LeBel
minimizes the significance of Mr. Ipeelee’s breach because it only involved
intoxication, not becoming intoxicated and engaging in violence. With respect,
this ignores the basic fact that Mr. Ipeelee’s intoxication is the pre-cursor to
his engaging in violence and it is the management of the high risk of a violent
reoffence that has been compromised by his alcohol consumption.
[137] As a long-term
offender, Mr. Ipeelee has been found to show a pattern of repetitive behaviour
with a likelihood of causing death or physical or psychological injury or a
likelihood of causing injury, pain or other evil to other persons in the future
through failure to control his sexual impulses. His alcohol consumption is
central to such behaviour. I emphasize that s. 753.3(1) provides that breach of
an LTSO is an indictable offence with a maximum sentence of up to ten years and
no substantive offence, violent or otherwise, need have also been committed.
Parliament obviously considered the breach of an LTSO, by itself, a serious
offence. That is what the sentencing judge considered relevant, and I can find
no fault in his so doing.
[138] The exercise of
discretion by a sentencing judge is entitled to significant deference from an
appellate court. Deference is appropriate as sentencing judges have important
advantages over appellate courts in crafting a particular sentence. Those
advantages were well set out by Lamer C.J. in R. v. M. (C.A.), [1996] 1
S.C.R. 500:
A sentencing judge still enjoys a position of
advantage over an appellate judge in being able to directly assess the
sentencing submissions of both the Crown and the offender. A sentencing judge
also possesses the unique qualifications of experience and judgment from having
served on the front lines of our criminal justice system. Perhaps most
importantly, the sentencing judge will normally preside near or within the
community which has suffered the consequences of the offender's crime. As such,
the sentencing judge will have a strong sense of the particular blend of
sentencing goals that will be "just and appropriate" for the protection of that
community. The determination of a just and appropriate sentence is a delicate
art which attempts to balance carefully the societal goals of sentencing
against the moral blameworthiness of the offender and the circumstances of the
offence, while at all times taking into account the needs and current conditions
of and in the community. The discretion of a sentencing judge should thus not be
interfered with lightly. [para. 91]
[139] Lamer C.J.
outlined the limited role of appellate courts in matters of sentencing:
Put simply, absent an error in principle, failure to
consider a relevant factor, or an overemphasis of the appropriate factors, a
court of appeal should only intervene to vary a sentence imposed at trial if the
sentence is demonstrably unfit. [para. 90]
[140] I find no error
in principle, no failure to consider relevant factors or an overemphasis on the
appropriate factors by Justice Megginson. I cannot say the sentence he imposed
was demonstrably unfit. I would dismiss this appeal.
B.
Ladue
[141] In this case,
Judge Bagnall sentenced Mr. Ladue to three years’ imprisonment (2010 BCPC 410
(CanLII)). The majority of the Court of Appeal reduced the three year sentence
to one year. Chiasson J.A., dissenting in the Court of Appeal, would have
ordered a sentence of two years (2011 BCCA 101, 302 B.C.A.C. 93).
[142] The sentencing
judge commented on Mr. Ladue’s particular background. She quoted from his
pre-sentence report which referenced his “horrible and tragic” experience in a
residential school and commented on his bleak future (para. 22). She also
referred to his appraisal report, which further documented his residential
school experience and that he had been the victim of abuse.
[143] With regard to
his LTSO, she observed that Mr. Ladue had been previously convicted three times
for breaching the order by consuming intoxicants. She noted that he was
initially scheduled to be released to Linkage House, in Kamloops, but, because
of an outstanding DNA warrant, was sent to Belkin House in downtown Vancouver to
have it attended to. She acknowledged Mr. Ladue’s submission that being placed
at Belkin House minimized his chance for successful rehabilitation, but did not
accept it. She said that, upon arrival at Belkin House, he was warned not to
associate with a particular offender, but did so and slipped almost immediately
back into drug and alcohol use. He was given a second chance at Belkin House,
but to no avail, and eventually admitted to using cocaine and morphine since his
arrival. This led to the charge of breaching his LTSO.
[144] A community
assessment report compiled by a parole officer in September 2009 for the benefit
of the Kamloops Parole Office was critical of Mr. Ladue’s placement at Belkin
House.
[Mr. Ladue] desperately needs to get away from
downtown Vancouver. He requires the onsite resources of an Elder and ceremony.
He needs to get immediately in touch with a residential school trauma
counsellor.
. .
.
The purpose of this report is to re-screen Mr.
Ladue into Linkage House for potential residence while serving his Long-Term
Supervision Order (LTSO).
. .
.
Mr. Wolkosky continues to believe Mr. Ladue could
be managed at Linkage House. It is expected that Mr. Ladue’s negative
associates will not be located in the Kamloops region. Substance abuse is not
tolerated at Linkage and consequences can be expected if this were to occur.
Mr. Wolkosky feels CSC, JHS and RCMP can work together (sic) to assist Mr. Ladue
with successful reintegration. [A.R., at pp. 139-40]
[145] An appraisal
report dated September 2009 noted that Mr. Ladue had participated in Aboriginal
programs to address “his need areas”, but none were sufficient to address his
risk. In the end, the report found that his “risk to the community is high and
currently unmanageable” (A.R., at p. 136).
[146] The Crown sought
a sentence of eighteen months to two years. Mr. Ladue asked for a much shorter
sentence. The sentencing judge found that the only way to protect the
community, given Mr. Ladue’s high risk of reoffending sexually and moderate to
high risk of reoffending violently, was to emphasize the objective of
isolation. She found that in spite of successful completion of treatment, he
was unable or unwilling to abstain from the consumption of intoxicants and that
he was much more likely to reoffend in such circumstances. She noted that the
indictable nature of the breach and the maximum sentence of ten years indicate
Parliament’s view that this is a serious offence and that, even if Mr. Ladue did
not commit a substantive offence, his breach was serious. The judge found the
eighteen to twenty-four month range recommended by the Crown inadequate and
sentenced Mr. Ladue to three years’ imprisonment.
[147] In reducing Mr.
Ladue’s sentence to one year, the majority of the Court of Appeal found that the
sentencing judge did not give sufficient weight to the circumstances of Mr.
Ladue as an Aboriginal offender, overemphasised the principle of separating the
offender and gave insufficient weight to the principle of rehabilitation. The
majority said that the sentencing judge did not give Mr. Ladue’s Aboriginal
heritage tangible consideration “which will often impact the length and type of
sentence imposed. ... There is nothing to indicate that [Mr. Ladue] had come
close to engaging in the violent sexual behaviour.... [T]he role of
rehabilitation will depend on the circumstances of the offender and is not
dependent on his or her designation” (paras. 64, 68 and 71).
[148] The majority
also observed that the corrections report found that Linkage House in Kamloops
offered the best chance at rehabilitation for Mr. Ladue. However,
[b]ecause of a bureaucratic error, he was not sent there
following his last release. Instead, he was sent to Belkin House, which placed
him back into a milieu where he was sorely tempted by drugs. [para. 76]
[149] In the opinion
of the majority, a one-year sentence would be enough time for Mr. Ladue to deal
with his substance abuse problem and for CSC to find an appropriate placement
for him, preferably Linkage House or another halfway house which emphasizes
Aboriginal culture and healing. They observed that his prior sentence for
violation of his LTSO was based on time served on remand. An increase to three
years was found to be excessive.
[150] In dissent,
Chiasson J.A. was of the opinion that the sentencing judge did not err in her
consideration of the Aboriginal circumstances of Mr. Ladue but did fail to
recognize that his breach of condition did not lead him on a path of
reoffending. He would have imposed a sentence of two years.
[151] I agree with
Chiasson J.A. that Mr. Ladue’s Aboriginal background was considered and weighed
in the sentencing judge’s decision. As I noted in the case of Mr. Ipeelee, it
is not open to an appellate court to interfere with a sentence simply because it
would have weighed the relevant factors differently. It is only when it can be
said that the exercise of discretion was unreasonable that the appeal court may
interfere with the sentence.
[152] While I do not
entirely agree with the reasoning of the majority of the Court of Appeal,
nonetheless, in my respectful opinion, there is another reason to agree with the
one-year sentence they imposed.
[153] The
distinguishing aspect of this case is what the Court of Appeal called the
“bureaucratic error” (para. 76). Because of that error, Mr. Ladue was sent to
Belkin House in downtown Vancouver rather than Linkage House in Kamloops. The
sentencing judge does not appear to have considered that it was this error that
caused Mr. Ladue to be sent to Belkin house, which apparently tolerates serious
drug abusers and does not provide programs for Aboriginal offenders.
[154] I do not absolve
Mr. Ladue of responsibility for his own conduct. However, CSC said that Linkage
House was the appropriate location for Mr. Ladue. It was their error that
caused him to be placed in an environment where, having regard to his known
addiction, he was especially vulnerable to breaching his LTSO.
[155] The sentencing
judge does not refer to the fact that the cause of Mr. Ladue being sent to
Belkin House rather than Linkage House was a “bureaucratic error”. In my
respectful opinion, she failed to take account of this relevant consideration.
Due to no fault of his own and contrary to the recommended course of
rehabilitation, Mr. Ladue was sent to a facility that placed him in harm’s
way.
[156] Section 718.1 of
Criminal Code provides:
A sentence must be proportionate to the gravity of
the offence and the degree of responsibility of the offender.
This is not a situation where the offender
failed to take up an opportunity that the criminal justice system had given him
to rehabilitate. Rather, the system’s bureaucratic error deprived him of that
opportunity. CSC must bear some “degree of responsibility” for Mr. Ladue’s
breach.
[157] For the reasons
that I have given, the sentencing judge did not err in focussing on protection
of society as the paramount consideration in her sentencing decision. But this
was a case where there was a realistic opportunity for rehabilitation that was
denied Mr. Ladue by the system’s “bureaucratic error”. This relevant
consideration was not taken into account by the sentencing judge. This failure
meant that Mr. Ladue’s moral blameworthiness was not properly assessed (see
M. (C.A.), at para 79, and R. v. Nasogaluak, 2010 SCC 6, [2010] 1
S.C.R. 206, at para. 42). In the circumstances and having regard to the fact
that the CSC must bear some responsibility for Mr. Ladue’s breach, I would agree
with the result reached by the majority of the Court of Appeal and Justice LeBel
and find that one year was a fit and proper sentence. I would dismiss this
appeal.
APPENDIX
Criminal Code, R.S.C. 1985, c. C-46
718. The fundamental purpose of sentencing is to
contribute, along with crime prevention initiatives, to respect for the law and
the maintenance of a just, peaceful and safe society by imposing just sanctions
that have one or more of the following objectives:
(a) to denounce unlawful conduct;
(b) to deter the offender and other persons from
committing offences;
(c) to separate offenders from society, where
necessary;
(d) to assist in rehabilitating offenders;
(e) to provide reparations for harm done to victims or to
the community; and
(f) to promote a sense of responsibility in offenders,
and acknowledgment of the harm done to victims and to the community.
718.1 A sentence must be proportionate to the gravity of
the offence and the degree of responsibility of the offender.
718.2 A court that imposes a sentence shall also take
into consideration the following principles:
(a) a sentence should be
increased or reduced to account for any relevant aggravating or mitigating
circumstances relating to the offence or the offender, and, without limiting the
generality of the foregoing,
(i) evidence that the
offence was motivated by bias, prejudice or hate based on race, national or
ethnic origin, language, colour, religion, sex, age, mental or physical
disability, sexual orientation, or any other similar factor,
(ii) evidence that the
offender, in committing the offence, abused the offender’s spouse or common-law
partner,
(ii.1) evidence that the
offender, in committing the offence, abused a person under the age of eighteen
years,
(iii) evidence that the
offender, in committing the offence, abused a position of trust or authority in
relation to the victim,
(iv) evidence that the offence
was committed for the benefit of, at the direction of or in association with a
criminal organization, or
(v) evidence that the
offence was a terrorism offence
shall be deemed to be aggravating
circumstances;
(b) a sentence should be
similar to sentences imposed on similar offenders for similar offences committed
in similar circumstances;
(c) where consecutive
sentences are imposed, the combined sentence should not be unduly long or
harsh;
(d) an offender should
not be deprived of liberty, if less restrictive sanctions may be appropriate in
the circumstances; and
(e) all available
sanctions other than imprisonment that are reasonable in the circumstances
should be considered for all offenders, with particular attention to the
circumstances of aboriginal offenders.
753.1 (1) The court may, on application made under this
Part following the filing of an assessment report under subsection 752.1(2),
find an offender to be a long-term offender if it is satisfied that
(a) it would be appropriate to impose a sentence of
imprisonment of two years or more for the offence for which the offender has
been convicted;
(b) there is a substantial risk that the offender will
reoffend; and
(c) there is a reasonable possibility of eventual control
of the risk in the community.
(2) The court shall be satisfied that there is a substantial
risk that the offender will reoffend if
(a) the offender has been convicted of an offence under
section 151 (sexual interference), 152 (invitation to sexual touching) or 153
(sexual exploitation), subsection 163.1(2) (making child pornography),
subsection 163.1(3) (distribution, etc., of child pornography), subsection
163.1(4) (possession of child pornography), subsection 163.1(4.1) (accessing
child pornography), section 172.1 (luring a child), subsection 173(2) (exposure)
or section 271 (sexual assault), 272 (sexual assault with a weapon) or 273
(aggravated sexual assault), or has engaged in serious conduct of a sexual
nature in the commission of another offence of which the offender has been
convicted; and
(b) the offender
(i) has shown a pattern of repetitive behaviour, of which
the offence for which he or she has been convicted forms a part, that shows a
likelihood of the offender’s causing death or injury to other persons or
inflicting severe psychological damage on other persons, or
(ii) by conduct in any sexual matter including that involved
in the commission of the offence for which the offender has been convicted, has
shown a likelihood of causing injury, pain or other evil to other persons in the
future through similar offences.
(3) If the court finds an offender to be a long-term offender,
it shall
(a) impose a sentence for the offence for which the
offender has been convicted, which must be a minimum punishment of imprisonment
for a term of two years; and
(b) order that the offender be subject to long-term
supervision for a period that does not exceed 10 years.
753.2 (1) Subject to subsection (2), an offender who is
subject to long-term supervision shall be supervised in the community in
accordance with the Corrections and Conditional Release Act when the
offender has finished serving
(a) the sentence for the offence for which the offender
has been convicted; and
(b) all other sentences for offences for which the
offender is convicted and for which sentence of a term of imprisonment is
imposed on the offender, either before or after the conviction for the offence
referred to in paragraph (a).
753.3 (1) An offender who, without reasonable excuse,
fails or refuses to comply with long-term supervision is guilty of an indictable
offence and liable to imprisonment for a term not exceeding 10 years.
Corrections and Conditional Release Regulations,
SOR/92-620
161. (1)
For the purposes of subsection 133(2) of the Act, every offender who is released
on parole or statutory release is subject to the following conditions, namely,
that the offender
(a) on release, travel directly to the offender’s place
of residence, as set out in the release certificate respecting the offender, and
report to the offender’s parole supervisor immediately and thereafter as
instructed by the parole supervisor;
(b) remain at all times in Canada within the territorial
boundaries fixed by the parole supervisor;
(c) obey the law and keep the peace;
(d) inform the parole supervisor immediately on arrest
or on being questioned by the police;
(e) at all times carry the release certificate and the
identity card provided by the releasing authority and produce them on request
for identification to any peace officer or parole supervisor;
(f) report to the police if and as instructed by the
parole supervisor;
(g) advise the parole supervisor of the offender’s
address of residence on release and thereafter report immediately
(i) any change in the offender’s address of residence,
(ii) any change in the offender’s normal occupation,
including employment, vocational or educational training and volunteer work,
(iii) any change in the domestic or financial situation of the
offender and, on request of the parole supervisor, any change that the offender
has knowledge of in the family situation of the offender, and
(iv) any change that may reasonably be expected to affect the
offender’s ability to comply with the conditions of parole or statutory
release;
(h) not own, possess or have the control of any weapon,
as defined in section 2 of the Criminal Code, except as authorized by the
parole supervisor; and
(i) in respect of an offender released on day parole,
on completion of the day parole, return to the penitentiary from which the
offender was released on the date and at the time provided for in the release
certificate.
(2) For the purposes of subsection
133(2) of the Act, every offender who is released on unescorted temporary
absence is subject to the following conditions, namely, that the offender
(a) on release, travel directly to the destination set
out in the absence permit respecting the offender, report to a parole supervisor
as directed by the releasing authority and follow the release plan approved by
the releasing authority;
(b) remain in Canada within the territorial boundaries
fixed by the parole supervisor for the duration of the absence;
(c) obey the law and keep the peace;
(d) inform the parole supervisor immediately on arrest
or on being questioned by the police;
(e) at all times carry the absence permit and the
identity card provided by the releasing authority and produce them on request
for identification to any peace officer or parole supervisor;
(f) report to the police if and as instructed by the
releasing authority;
(g) return to the penitentiary from which the offender
was released on the date and at the time provided for in the absence permit;
(h) not own, possess or have the control of any weapon,
as defined in section 2 of the Criminal Code, except as authorized by the
parole supervisor.
3. The purpose of the federal correctional system is to
contribute to the maintenance of a just, peaceful and safe society by
(a) carrying out sentences imposed by courts through the
safe and humane custody and supervision of offenders; and
(b) assisting the rehabilitation of offenders and their
reintegration into the community as law-abiding citizens through the provision
of programs in penitentiaries and in the community.
4. The
principles that shall guide the Service in achieving the purpose referred to in
section 3 are
(a) that the protection of society be the paramount
consideration in the corrections process;
(b) that the sentence be carried out having regard to
all relevant available information, including the stated reasons and
recommendations of the sentencing judge, other information from the trial or
sentencing process, the release policies of, and any comments from, the National
Parole Board, and information obtained from victims and offenders;
(c) that the Service enhance its effectiveness and
openness through the timely exchange of relevant information with other
components of the criminal justice system, and through communication about its
correctional policies and programs to offenders, victims and the public;
(d) that the Service use the least restrictive measures
consistent with the protection of the public, staff members and offenders;
(e) that offenders retain the rights and privileges of
all members of society, except those rights and privileges that are necessarily
removed or restricted as a consequence of the sentence;
(f) that the Service facilitate the involvement of
members of the public in matters relating to the operations of the Service;
(g) that correctional decisions be made in a forthright
and fair manner, with access by the offender to an effective grievance
procedure;
(h) that correctional policies, programs and practices
respect gender, ethnic, cultural and linguistic differences and be responsive to
the special needs of women and aboriginal peoples, as well as to the needs of
other groups of offenders with special requirements;
(i) that offenders are expected to obey penitentiary
rules and conditions governing temporary absence, work release, parole and
statutory release, and to actively participate in programs designed to promote
their rehabilitation and reintegration; and
(j) that staff members be properly selected and trained,
and be given
(i) appropriate career development opportunities,
(ii) good working conditions, including a workplace
environment that is free of practices that undermine a person’s sense of
personal dignity, and
(iii) opportunities to participate in the development of
correctional policies and programs.
100. The purpose of conditional release is to contribute
to the maintenance of a just, peaceful and safe society by means of decisions on
the timing and conditions of release that will best facilitate the
rehabilitation of offenders and their reintegration into the community as
law-abiding citizens.
101. The principles that shall guide
the Board and the provincial parole boards in achieving the purpose of
conditional release are
(a) that the protection of society be the paramount
consideration in the determination of any case;
(b) that parole boards take into consideration all
available information that is relevant to a case, including the stated reasons
and recommendations of the sentencing judge, any other information from the
trial or the sentencing hearing, information and assessments provided by
correctional authorities, and information obtained from victims and the
offender;
(c) that parole boards enhance their effectiveness and
openness through the timely exchange of relevant information with other
components of the criminal justice system and through communication of their
policies and programs to offenders, victims and the general public;
(d) that parole boards make the least restrictive
determination consistent with the protection of society;
(e) that parole boards adopt and be guided by
appropriate policies and that their members be provided with the training
necessary to implement those policies; and
(f) that offenders be provided with relevant
information, reasons for decisions and access to the review of decisions in
order to ensure a fair and understandable conditional release process.
134.1 (1) Subject to subsection (4), every offender who
is required to be supervised by a long-term supervision order is subject to the
conditions prescribed by subsection 161(1) of the Corrections and Conditional
Release Regulations, with such modifications as the circumstances
require.
(2) The Board may establish
conditions for the long-term supervision of the offender that it considers
reasonable and necessary in order to protect society and to facilitate the
successful reintegration into society of the offender.
(4) The Board may, in accordance
with the regulations, at any time during the long-term supervision of an
offender,
(a) in respect of conditions referred to in subsection
(1), relieve the offender from compliance with any such condition or vary the
application to the offender of any such condition; or
(b) in respect of conditions imposed under subsection
(2), remove or vary any such condition.
134.2
(1) An offender who is supervised pursuant to a long-term supervision order
shall comply with any instructions given by a member of the Board or a person
designated, by name or by position, by the Chairperson of the Board or by the
Commissioner, or given by the offender’s parole supervisor, respecting any
conditions of long-term supervision in order to prevent a breach of any
condition or to protect society.
(a) a staff member as defined in subsection 2(1); or
(b) a person entrusted by the Service with the guidance
and supervision of an offender who is required to be supervised by a long-term
supervision order.
Appeal 33650 allowed, Rothstein J. dissenting. Appeal
34245 dismissed.
Solicitor
for the appellant Manasie Ipeelee: Fergus J. (Chip) O’Connor, Kingston.
Solicitor
for the respondent Her Majesty the Queen: Attorney General of Ontario,
Toronto.
Solicitor
for the intervener the Director of Public Prosecutions: Public Prosecution
Service of Canada, Iqaluit.
Solicitors
for the intervener the Aboriginal Legal Services of Toronto Inc.: Aboriginal
Legal Services of Toronto Inc., Toronto.
Solicitor
for the appellant Her Majesty the Queen: Attorney General of British Columbia,
Vancouver.
Solicitors
for the respondent Frank Ralph Ladue: Myers, McMurdo & Karp, Vancouver.
Solicitor
for the intervener the British Columbia Civil Liberties Association: University
of Toronto, Toronto.
Solicitors for the intervener the
Canadian Civil Liberties Association: Ruby, Shiller, Chan, Toronto.